PAKISTAN: Government outsources justice dispensation
PAKISTAN: Government outsources justice
dispensation
It is unimaginable
for any democratic, law-abiding society to outsource its key
function of justice. And yet, the Government of Pakistan
first outsourced the dispensation of justice to the
military, and now to the Panchayat and Jirga, which are
known for aiding and abetting grave human rights abuses, and
are the primary cause of rising honour killings and
cruelties by the powerful people in the country.
On 3
February 2017, the National Assembly passed the “Alternate
Dispute Resolution (ADR) Bill” 2016, which gives legal and
constitutional cover to the country’s centuries-old Jirga
and Panchayat systems. With the promulgation of the bill,
the state aims to ensure speedy redress of petty civil
matters and reduce the burden of litigation on
courts.
Instead of mainstreaming one constitution
throughout the country, the state is enacting arbitrary law,
which can only weaken the already fragile writ of state and
rule of law.
Pakistan’s archaic laws and collapsing
judicial system is signalling a regression to medieval
times, bringing the country on the verge of anarchy and
chaos. Although civil society activists legal experts have
long demanded an overhaul of the criminal justice system,
the state’s priorities have always laid elsewhere.
By
strengthening the Panchayat and Jirga system (which was
previously declared illegal by Pakistan’s judiciary), its
abuse of human rights, particularly against the weak and
vulnerable, is given legal cover and institutionalized.
Women’s rights activists have expressed their concerns,
citing the karo kari (honour killings) incidents that have
been ongoing with complete impunity due to the
Jirgas.
The 20-point National Action Plan that the state
is claiming to follow in the enactment of this bill has
envisaged a complete overhauling and reforming of the
criminal justice system. Far from a reformation of the
system, the ADR bill is a testament to a collapsing judicial
system.
The Law Minister tabled the bill initially in the
federal capital, and it will gradually be implemented in
other provinces with the consent of provincial governments,
as amendments in civil laws are in the domain of the
provinces.
It is pertinent to mention that a mere 23
members in a 342 member’s house, less than the required
quorum, passed the bill. It must be asked why such an
important bill was passed without extensive deliberation,
and why no consultations with legal experts were held.
Moreover, the Act backtracks on the Supreme Court order of
2012 holding the Jirga system to be illegal and
unconstitutional. Earlier in 2004, the Sindh High Court
banned all trials conducted under the Jirga system
throughout Sindh, and ordered that all those found violating
the order would be charged with contempt.
Given the
sensitive nature of the bill, the legislators should have
been extra cautious to leave no ambiguity to cause any
potential abuse; unfortunately, the bill is replete with
ambiguity. The appointment of mediators for instance, called
‘neutrals’ is provided for by stating that:
“The
government, after consultation with the high court, shall
notify in the official gazette a panel of neutrals for each
district from amongst lawyers, retired Judges of superior
and subordinate judiciary, retired civil servants, social
workers, ulema, jurists, technocrats and expels and such
other persons of repute and integrity having such
qualifications and experience as may
prescribed.”
The Bill does not mention how
‘repute, integrity and other qualifications’ is to be
determined however. How will the government ensure that the
neutral is unbiased against the vulnerable factions of
society, and not prejudiced against minority and women? In
fact, the appointment of such neutrals is a farce, as
several parliamentarians have reportedly been presiding over
these Jirgas, thus perpetuating the feudal system. The
vested interest of the legislators becomes apparent by a
perusal of the definitions clause:
Definitions.— In
this Act, unless there is anything repugnant in the subject
or context, — (a) ‘Alternate Dispute Resolution (ADR)’
means a process in which parties resort to a method of
resolving the dispute other than by adjudication by Courts
and includes arbitration, mediation and dispute resolution
through Panchayat;
The inclusion of Panchayat exposes the
true and vested interest of the legislators who are mostly
feudal lords themselves, and regularly preside over such
proceedings, charge hefty sums.
The state has also not ensured that human rights of the litigants are not abused. In case of human rights abuse, the aggrieved party has no redressal. The act also provides no dispute resolution as the Pakistan Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code are not applicable. Moreover, Section 19 of the Bill states
19)
(3) No legal proceedings shall lie against a Neutral or any
other person or official associated in the ADR process for
any act done or omitted to be done in good faith in the
course of the performance of his functions, in reference to
such ADR.
To reconcile the call for speedy
expeditious justice while easing the backlog of cases from
the lower judiciary, the state should have set up more ADR
Centers instead of regularizing the panchayat. The civil
society’s contention with the law is that Panchayats are
legalized through the act. The ADR should have been limited
to petty civil matters; by extending the ambit to criminal
matters the panchayat has been bolstered to extend its
clout.
The Act requires more scrutiny and should have
been passed after extensive consultation with civil society
to make it abuse free. In its current form, the bill has the
potential to cause abuse and miscarriage of
justice.
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The Asian Human Rights
Commission (AHRC) works towards the radical rethinking and
fundamental redesigning of justice institutions in order to
protect and promote human rights in Asia. Established in
1984, the Hong Kong based organisation is a
Laureate of the Right Livelihood Award,
2014.