Ukraine: Confronting Internal Challenges and External Threats
Testimony
Victoria Nuland
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs
Statement Before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Helsinki Commission)
Washington, DC
April 9, 2014
As prepared
Thank you, Chairman Cardin and Co-Chairman Smith, for inviting me to testify before you today on the situation in
Ukraine. It is a particular honor for me to do so before the U.S. Helsinki Commission, whose purpose is to advance
security through the promotion of human rights, democracy and economic, environmental and military cooperation in the
Euro-Atlantic Area.
Let me also express my gratitude for the leadership that Congress has shown with the overwhelming passage of the H.R.
4152 and S. 2183 in support of Ukraine. Not only did this legislation pass with strong bipartisan support in both the
House and Senate, it was also backed by all 17 Commissioners of this body. That unity sent a strong signal that the
United States stands united for Ukraine at this critical moment in its history.
For almost 40 years, the United States and this Commission have worked with our TransAtlantic Allies and partners to
uphold the principles of the Helsinki Final Act. These founding principles are universal, and they include “respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms;” “the inviolability of frontiers;” “territorial integrity of states”; and “the
peaceful settlement of disputes.”
Russia’s actions in Ukraine are an affront to each of these fundamental principles. Its occupation of Crimea,
rubberstamped by an illegitimate referendum conducted at the barrel of a gun, have tarnished its credibility and
diminished its international standing in the eyes of Ukrainians and the world. Reports of human rights abuses in Crimea
since the Russian occupation have shocked the conscience. Last month, a Crimean Tatar activist protesting the Russian
occupation of the peninsula was abducted, tortured and killed by pro-Russian irregulars. Russia has also attempted to
intimidate Ukrainians by amassing more than 40 thousand troops and quick strike aircraft along the border, and with
trade blockades and gas price hikes of 80 percent.
This week’s violent occupation of government buildings in Kharkhiv, Donetsk, Luhansk and Mariupol deepen our concern.
Far from a spontaneous set of events, these incidents bear all the hallmarks of an orchestrated campaign of incitement,
separatism and sabotage of the Ukrainian state, aided and abetted by the Russian security services.
So today Ukraine is a frontline state in the struggle for freedom and all the principles this commission holds dear.
Ukraine is also replete with heroes in that struggle. It took guts for the Ukrainian people to stand up to a regime
awash in unchecked cronyism, corruption and violence against its people. It took grit for tens of thousands of
Ukrainians to spend weeks and months on the Maidan enduring subfreezing winter temperatures to demand dignity and a
better future.
I think of Tetiana Chornovol, the investigative journalist and activist dedicated to exposing Yanukovich-era graft. She
was savagely beaten by anti-Maidan thugs on Christmas Day. Today she serves as chief of the Anti-Corruption Bureau in
the new government.
I think of Air Force Colonal Yuliy Mamchur, who led his troops to stand up to Russian forces when they came to take over
Belbek airbase in Crimea. Together Mamchur and his forces sang the Ukrainian national hymn as Russian troops swarmed the
base. The Russian military took him into custody for five days, trying to pressure him to defect. But his allegiance to
Ukraine remained steadfast.
Today, the United States stands with Ukraine in its efforts to forge its own path forward to a freer, peaceful, and
unified future. Our approach includes four pillars: first, our bilateral and multilateral support for Ukraine; second,
the costs we are imposing on Russia for its aggressive actions; third, our efforts to deescalate the crisis
diplomatically; and fourth, our unwavering commitment to the security of our NATO Allies who also live on the frontlines
of this crisis. Let me address each of these briefly.
First, we support the Ukrainian people and the transitional government in the courageous steps they are taking to
restore economic health, democratic choice and internal stability and security to the country. The Rada has passed
landmark anti-corruption measures, deficit reduction measures and taken difficult steps to reform the energy sector.
These necessary reforms will require painful sacrifices from all Ukrainians. But they also open the way to an IMF
package of up to $18 billion in support.
The United States stands ready to help as the country addresses its immense challenges. Our $1 billion loan guarantee,
in conjunction with IMF and EU assistance, will help implement these reforms and will cushion some of impact on the most
vulnerable in Ukrainian society.
And we have approximately $92 million in FY 2013 State/USAID funding and an anticipated $86 million in FY 2014
State/USAID funding for assistance to Ukraine in areas such as strengthening anti-corruption enforcement efforts,
revising public procurement legislation, introducing agriculture and energy sector reforms, deepening privatization
efforts, improving the transparency and quality of higher education and helping Ukraine prepare for free, fair elections
on May 25th.
And we are working with the international community to push back against Russian propaganda, lies and efforts to
destabilize Ukraine’s regions. The OSCE has already deployed more than 70 monitors in ten locations throughout Ukraine
as part of a special monitoring mission and the mandate allows the mission to grow to 500. The OSCE Office for
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights will also play an essential role by sending 1000 observers for the Presidential
election, one of its biggest missions ever.
Second, Russia is already paying a high price for its actions, and that cost will go up if its pressure on Ukraine does
not abate. Across the board, Russia has found itself isolated. The United States along with all other G-7 members
declined to attend the Sochi G-8 Summit and suspended participation in G-8 activities. Instead, the G-7 will meet in
Brussels. On March 27th, the United States and 99 other countries in the UN General Assembly reaffirmed the unity and
territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. Only 11 voted against. Along with our
Allies, we have suspended practical cooperation between NATO and Russia. We have suspended most bilateral economic and
military cooperation of the U.S.-Russia Bilateral Presidential Commission. The President signed two Executive Orders
authorizing sanctions against those responsible and finding that the actions and policies of the Russian government
undermine democratic process and institutions in Ukraine; threaten its peace, security, stability, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity; and contribute to the misappropriation of its assets. These sanctions have been carefully
coordinated with the EU and other global partners. And today we are considering further measures in response to Russia’s
continued pressure on Ukraine.
And the financial markets are reacting. The ruble has fallen. Capital flight from Russia is at a high not seen in years.
And Russia has been downgraded by major credit rating agencies on account of its actions.
These costs will only increase if Russia does not change course.
At the same time, we want to try to de-escalate the crisis. Secretary Kerry has met three times with Russian Foreign
Minister Lavrov in recent weeks, with the support of the Ukrainian government at a time when Russia would not meet
directly with Ukraine. Earlier this week, Foreign Minister Lavrov finally agreed to sit down in the next ten days with
Ukraine, the EU and Secretary Kerry to discuss de-escalation, demobilization, support for elections and constitutional
reform. Between now and then, we have made it clear that Russia needs to take concrete steps to disavow separatist
actions in Eastern Ukraine, pull back its forces outside the country, and demonstrate that they are prepared to come to
these discussions to do what is necessary to de-escalate. So Russia has a choice—to work with the international
community to help build an independent Ukraine that can meet the hopes and aspirations of all Ukrainians, or they can
face greater isolation and economic cost. We do not have high expectations, but it is important to keep the door open to
a diplomatic solution.
Even as we try to de-escalate, with Russian troops ringing Ukraine for weeks now, we cannot be complacent about the
security of our allies who live closest to Russia. Our message to Putin and Russia is clear: NATO territory is
inviolable. We will defend every piece of it. And we are mounting a visible deterrent to Russia testing that
proposition. In that vein, we and our NATO Allies are providing visible reassurance on land, sea and in the air to our
Central and Eastern European members. The United States has increased our contribution to NATO’s Baltic Air Policing
mission. We have bolstered the U.S.-Poland aviation detachment in Lask, Poland with 12 F-16s and 200 personnel. We
extended the stay of one of our ships, the USS Truxtun in the Black Sea, and will send another ship there in the coming
weeks. NATO is flying AWACS over Poland and Romania. And last week at NATO, Allies agreed to extend and expand these
efforts.
More broadly, the events in Ukraine are a wake-up call for all of us. Everything we have stood for over 40 years as a
community of free nations is at risk if we allow aggressive acts to go unchecked and unpunished. As a community, North
Americans and Europeans must continue to stand with the people of Ukraine as they say no – “ni” in Ukrainian – to the
tactics and brutality of the 19th century and yes—“tak” in Ukrainian – to a 21st century future that respects their
sovereignty, their choice and their human dignity.
Thank you again for this invitation. I look forward to your questions.
ENDS