Marking 60 Days Since the Bloody Military Coup
Sixty days of brutal, bloody coup have sent Egypt back to the dark pre-revolution days of military madness and police
repression, killed innocent unarmed citizens, and ruined the economy.
The Anti-Coup, Pro-Democracy National Alliance presents here a brief analysis of the most important features of the July
3rd coup failure, on the political, economic and human rights levels:
1- The Political Level:
Political losses continue for Egypt, in spite of the campaigns of praise and misinformation conducted by the government
and private media opposed to the January 25th revolution.
Egypt's painful experiences during the past two months have affirmed that the coup has taken it back to times well
before January 25th, to military control of all components of the state, just as the country had started on its way
towards civilian rule through the election of a civilian president.
In the National Alliance’s view, the military coup dealt with Egyptian issues to the benefit of particular groups, which
in the end became apparent as working towards the same goal of resurrecting the Mubarak regime in all its details.
This showed in the control of the cabinet by Mubarak figures, which was the starting point in exposing the
coup supporters' plan. The cabinet represented the elderly generation instead of the 2011 revolution youth, which
affirmed that the objective stated for June 30th - of giving the youth a role - was simply to take advantage of their
emotions.
Then the list of new governors increased military control and killed Egyptians' dreams of Egypt becoming a
modern, democratic, civilian state.
Both cabinet and governor appointments also affirmed that what was said about fairness to women and their
equality was only to similarly exploit their emotions, the emotions of half the society, who saw their presence in all
formal institutions significantly decreased.
This was even more noticeable in the constitutional drafting committee, which saw objections from various
segments of society.
Certainly more noticeable was that the drafting committee only served one political current, the leftist
secularists, who want the Egyptian people to keep neither their values nor their morals.
In the view of the Alliance, what affirms the failure of the coup is:
the world refusing to admit it was a popular revolt,
the failure of all attempts by the coup regime to beautify this ugly putsch for world public opinion,
the failure to convince the African Union to end the suspension of Egypt's membership,
and the failure of the coup regime to stop the Nahda Dam where, to the contrary, statements by the coup regime
opened the door for Ethiopia to complete this project which threatens Egyptian national security.
Add to that the increasing international stances rejecting the coup, whether by withdrawing investments or
reducing delegations, not to mention the warnings issued by various embassies to their citizens regarding the security
and political situation in Egypt.
2- The Economic Level:
Under the coup regime, Egypt is facing an extremely dangerous economic situation resulting from the drop in foreign
currency reserves, the rise in prices, the collapse of tourism and investment, the increase in unemployment, and the
decision of a large number of factories and companies to stop working.
The coup regime has failed to present an economic vision, or a specific vision for monetary policy, through which it can
face the increasing economic losses caused by the bloody coup.
The following is an account of the worsening economic situation during the first 60 days of the July 3rd coup regime:
Reduction of the annual raise for government employees to 10% from the 15% approved in the national budget.
Cancellation of the new pay structure for physicians approved by Dr. Hisham Qandil's government before the
coup.
Cancellation of the new system for bread production, and for improved supplies introduced by Dr. Bassem Ouda,
the Minister of Supply, during the last two months of Dr. Mohamed Morsi's tenure.
The failure of the coup government to provide supplies at their appointed times, affirming their complete
failure to bear their responsibilities towards the Egyptian people.
Borrowing LE81.5 billion from the banks in the form of treasury notes during the first month of the coup.
The reduction of Egypt's credit rating because of the poor economic situation in the country after the
military coup.
The cessation of work on giant national projects initiated by President Mohamed Morsi, such as the Suez Canal
project, or the Qattara Depression project, known as the Golden Triangle.
The cessation of the IMF dialogue with Egypt regarding the loan, due to the lack of international recognition
of the coup regime.
The closing in Egypt of offices and factories belonging to large international companies in protest of the
coup, and the killing of civilians and unarmed, peaceful protestors.
The large German chemicals company, BASF, closing its offices and factories in Egypt. They are the largest
chemicals company in the world.
The closing by Royal Dutch Shell, the oil giant, of its offices in Egypt, and the limiting of its travel to
the country. They are the largest European oil company.
The closing by General Motors of its auto assembly plants, and all its offices, in Egypt.
Swedish company Electrolux halting production in several factories in Egypt, in which 7000 Egyptian workers
are employed.
Cessation of production in the first days of the coup by Czech synthetic textile manufacturer Pegas.
Numerous Turkish textile companies in Egypt halting production, as well as several companies in the food
industry, including Yildiz Holding which employs thousands of Egyptian workers.
International tourism companies cancelling reservations for thousands of tourists, as well as halting all
tours to Egypt, and closing their offices in Egypt. Among them are TUI and Thomas Cook. Also the leading Hungarian
tourism company Best Reisen, which declared bankruptcy one month after the July 3rd coup, closing its offices and
stranding hundreds of travellers in the Red Sea resorts.
3- The Human Rights Level:
Regarding general freedoms and human rights, Egypt has seen a clear, unprecedented regression in general and specific
rights, where anyone who opposes or rejects the coup - regardless of political leaning or ideology – is labeled a
terrorist, traitor, foreign agent or ‘immoral’. A simple comparison shows that the first slogan of the January
revolution, freedom, has seen a major setback, or even a deathblow, to the benefit of the putschists.
This also shows in media freedoms, which have disappeared from the current Egyptian scene. All media personalities and
journalists with dissenting views are in detention, are being chased, have been banned, or are missing. The two months
of the coup have seen the closing of numerous satellite channels opposing the coup, with security forces raiding their
offices, seizing their equipment, and detaining and abusing their employees, as happened with Al-Jazeera, Al-Aqsa,
Al-Quds, Al-Mayadeen, and the Anadolu Agency, not to mention the continued closing of channels opposed to the coup from
its very first moments of presence in Egypt, against Egyptian will. Add to this the targeting of journalists and media
workers, leading to the deaths of many, and the detention of dozens of them, accompanied by a shameful silence on the
part of the Journalists Syndicate, as well as human rights and media freedom organizations.
Transgressions by the coup on general freedoms and human rights were apparent in:
The detention of, and false accusations against, political figures opposing the military coup.
The killing of thousands and injury of tens of thousands in the massacres at the Republican Guard Officers’
Club, the Memorial, Ramses (the first time), Rabaa Al-Adaweya, Nahda, Ramses (the second time) and others.
The shuttering of satellite channels perceived to oppose the coup, the detention of dozens of journalists and
media workers, on implausible trumped up charges, and the targeting of others by sniper fire during the performance of
their professional duties.
Violating the sanctity of places of worship by shooting at and burning mosques, in addition to entering them
with shoes.
Killing dozens in prisons.
The return of the state security apparatus and the 'dawn visitors'.
Using internationally banned ammunition as well as military and police helicopters to kill peaceful
protestors.
Detaining women and falsely accusing them.
Invading the homes of those opposing the coup, destroying their contents, stealing their money and valuables,
among many other shameful actions.
Burning the injured and the bodies of the dead during the clearing of the Rabaa and Al-Nahda sit-ins.
Obstructing the issuance of death certificates for the martyrs who opposed the coup, and refusing to record
the correct cause of death.
Hunting rights activists and detaining some detainees’ lawyers.
All this failure, among others, affirms without doubt that this coup will be defeated in the near future. This could not
have happened but for the persistence of the true revolutionaries, their steadfastness, their insistence on reclaiming
legitimacy, and their siding with the people's will and the preservation of the gains of the January 25th revolution,
the most important of which are freedoms and human rights, protecting them with all peaceful and legal means.
The Alliance calls on the great Egyptian people to continue their peaceful struggle to bring down this coup, to support
legitimacy, and to reclaim the will of the people, their freedoms and all their rights.
The Anti-Coup, Pro-Democracy National Alliance
ENDS