August 30, 2011 marked the International Day of Forced Disappearances, which in Colombia was an opportunity to place
this human rights issue at the forefront of the country’s national political debate. A year before, a report released by
the Latin American Working Group stated that the subject of forced disappearances has been overshadowed by the high
number of deaths, assassinations, and other forms of violence that occur in Colombia and often dominate media reports.
Considering Colombia was registering some of the highest numbers of forced disappearances in Latin America, the occasion
was particularly important for human rights defenders from both national and international organizations that wished to
make this issue visible via demonstrations, events, publications, and debates throughout the whole country.
The International Day of Forced Disappearances and its associated events highlighted the legal deficiencies in the
Colombian justice system in relation to its responses regarding the ongoing spate of human rights violations.
Figures from the National Commission for the Search of Disappeared Persons – a permanent national body, created in 2000
by Law 589 – suggest that after more than 50 years of internal conflict, they have witnessed at least 61,604 cases of
forced disappearances. Colombia stands second amongst such countries with the most disappearances in Latin America after
Argentina, where disappearances occurred mainly during the Dirty War. This means that thousands of Colombians have
undeniably been subjected to arbitrary arrests and abductions “by the state or agents of the state who then deny that
the person is being held or conceal their whereabouts, placing them outside the protection of the law.” The state
operatives, paramilitaries, and guerrillas have been complicit in these crimes.
This analysis was prepared by COHA Guest Scholar Delphine Mechoulany.
To read the full article, click here.
When Will Washington Learn? Alternative Drug Policies Needed to Prevent Violence
Distressingly, the United States has long ignored its role in the illegal drug trade and its contribution to the ongoing
violence plaguing the territory throughout Mexico and Colombia. Recently, however, counteractive efforts have begun to
assume an inclination toward violence as a strategy to curtail the further proliferation of drug trafficking and illegal
immigration from Colombia and Mexico. Similarly, Mexican President Felipe Calderón’s strategy of rooting out drug
cartels with widespread flame and combat has only aggravated the problem. Over the course of a four-year initiative,
over forty thousand Mexicans have been killed, the overwhelming majority of whom had no connection to drug cartels. New York Times columnist Damien Cave’s article on the hacker syndicate Anonymous retells how after the Zetas drug cartel kidnapped an
Anonymous employee, the syndicate released a haunting video (much like those filmed and used for intimidation by the
Zetas), threatening to release hundreds of names of political officials tied to the cartel, intending to foment violence
against those individuals. This poses a terrifying situation: responding to the violence in Mexico and Colombia with
further unchecked, unplanned violence.
These sorts of tactics, along with policy suggestions of U.S.-sponsored military action in Mexico, are a step in a
decisively wrong direction. If the costly, detailed anti-drug campaigns were not capable of preventing the further
diffusion of illegal drugs and migrants into the U.S., it is foolish to think that an all-out drug war could ever be
effective in resolving the issue. Past administrations have often marginalized the problems associated with the drug
trade, insisting that developing solutions should not be the responsibility of the U.S. government, but rather should
remain an initiative solely under Colombian or Mexican control.
This analysis was prepared by COHA Research Associate Zac Deibel.
To read the full analysis, click here.
Tuesday November 1st, 2011 | Research Memorandum 11.3
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ENDS