President Bush Holds Press Conference Following the G8 Summit
Press Conference of the President After G8 Summit
International Media Center
Savannah, Georgia
3:27 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Thanks for coming. We just completed a very successful summit. The nations of the G8 are
united in our desire to help bring stability and democracy to Iraq. We came together to support reform in the broader
Middle East. We pledged to work together to build a more secure, peaceful and prosperous world.
Laura and I thank the citizens of this part of our country. This was a successful summit because the people here made it
successful by being so warm and gracious. The Southern hospitality was strong. The citizens of Sea Island, and Brunswick
and Savannah, as well as people from around Georgia, we're just really great, and we thank them. All the leaders with
whom we talked asked me to express my appreciation to the people of this part of the world.
I also thank the world leaders and their staffs who traveled so far to come here. I especially want to thank the leaders
for their kind words of condolence for President Ronald Reagan. Laura and I look forward to paying our respect to
President Reagan tonight at the Capitol, and we look toward -- forward to our visit with Nancy and the Reagan family at
the Blair House tonight.
Ronald Reagan was a great man, an historic leader, and a national treasure. I'm honored to speak tomorrow at the
memorial service on behalf of a grateful nation.
This year's G8 Summit came at a crucial time. Our nations face a grave threat to our common security. We also face a
moment of opportunity to undermine the appeal of terror by supporting the advance of liberty and prosperity throughout
the world, especially in the broader Middle East. The momentum of freedom there is building. A free Iraq is rising in
the heart of that vital region.
Across the Middle East, a consensus is emerging on the need for change. In Alexandria, Istanbul, the Dead Sea, Sona and
Aqaba, political, civil society and business leaders have met to discuss modernization and reform, and have issued
stirring calls for political, economic and social change. The nations of the G8 recognize our special responsibility to
help the people of the Middle East achieve the progress they seek. And here at Sea Island, we pledged that our nations
will help further the causes of freedom and reform to help an increasing number of people join in the progress of our
times.
I appreciate the support of the G8 nations for the new United Nations Security Council resolution that expresses
international support for Iraq's interim government and lays out a clear path to Iraqi democracy. The Iraqi people can
know that the world stands with them in their quest for a peaceful, democratic and prosperous future. And the enemies of
freedom in that nation know that they are opposed by the might and resolve of free nations.
We're grateful to the new President of the Iraqi interim government, President al-Yawar, for making the trip to Sea
Island. I had a really good visit with him. He shared his thinking on the need to improve security, to make progress
toward national elections no later than January of next year.
The nations of the G8 are committed to the success of Iraq's government, to the defeat of its enemies, and to the future
of Iraq as a free and democratic state. The defeat of terror worldwide and the success of freedom in Iraq are the
challenges of the moment. The spread of freedom throughout the broader Middle East is the imperative of our age.
This year, G8 nations and Turkey have united around a common agenda to use the energies and resources of our nations to
support the momentum of freedom in the nations of the Middle East and North Africa. Working with leaders from the
region, we have established the Partnership for Progress and a Common Future with nations of the broader Middle East.
This partnership will seek to advance the universal values of human dignity, freedom, democracy, the rule of law,
economic opportunity and social justice.
We've also agreed to establish a Forum for the Future, which will bring together senior government officials from the
Middle East with their G8 counterparts, and also, regional business and civil society leaders with corresponding leaders
from G8 nations. In the forum, leaders will discuss ideas that can help the nations of the Middle East create jobs,
increase access to capital, improve literacy and education, protect human rights, and make progress toward democracy.
Reform must reflect the needs and realities of each country and be driven by the desires of the people. We have
obligation to support them in their search for a freer, more prosperous future. We will meet the obligation.
I thank the many leaders from the Middle East who came to the summit to describe their goals for their nations, and who
pledge their support for this project. The people of the broader Middle East yearn for democratic change, and their
leaders understand and support the need for reform.
I also thank the spouses of the G8 leaders and prominent women from the region who met to explore ways in which all of
our nations can improve education and expand opportunities for women in the broader Middle East. I want to thank Laura
for hosting that important meeting, and for all that she has done over the past three years on behalf of the women and
girls of the broader Middle East.
At this summit, we also agreed to take new action to stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Within the recent
addition -- with the recent addition of Russia, all G8 member nations now participate in the Proliferation Security
Initiative, which is designed to stop the trade in deadly weapons, and the means to make and deliver them.
Seven new donor nations have agreed to contribute funds to the global partnership to reduce and secure dangerous weapons
and materials. We will expand the partnership's cooperation to address proliferation threats beyond the nations of the
former Soviet Union.
G8 nations have agreed to my proposal to establish a special committee within the International Atomic Energy Agency
that will focus intensively on safeguards and verification. We're calling on all nations to sign and implement the
additional protocol which will expand the IAEA's ability to inspect nuclear activities and facilities. We agreed that
over the next year, our nations will not initiate any new transfers of uranium enrichment and reprocessing technology to
additional nations, as we work toward a permanent means to keep these materials out of the hands of outlaw nations
seeking nuclear weapons. And the G8 agreed for the first time to take concrete steps to expand national and
international capabilities to prevent, protect, and respond to attacks with biological weapons.
Finally, we moved forward on our common efforts to make the world not only safer, but better. We launched a new effort
to train and equip 75,000 peacekeepers over the next five years to help bring stability and security to troubled
regions, with an initial focus on the continent of Africa.
We established the Global HIV Vaccine Enterprise, to accelerate the efforts of scientists to defeat HIV/AIDS. We pledged
to break the cycle of famine in the Horn of Africa. We met with the heads of government from six African nations to
discuss their ongoing work to improve health care, institute reform and build prosperity for their peoples, as reflected
in their commitment to the New Partnership for Africa's Development.
Over the long-term, trade is the most certain path to lasting prosperity. Free and fair trade is the key engine of
growth in the world. And as with spur growth in our own countries, we must continue to reduce the trade barriers that
are an obstacle to growth in the developing world.
G8 nations reaffirmed our commitment to the success of the Doha Round of WTO trade negotiations. We directed our trade
ministers to take action to get the negotiations back on track toward a successful conclusion.
The past several days have been full and productive. We've taken up many important tasks, and now we'll translate our
consensus into action. The United States looks forward to fulfilling the commitments we made at Sea Island. And the
nations of the G8 will stand together to advance the values of freedom and peace and human dignity.
I'll be glad to take a couple of questions. Tom.
Q Mr. President, you emphasized earlier today that Iraq needs help. But where, specifically, do you see this help coming
from? Despite a U.N. resolution and despite the harmony here at the summit, no one else has stepped forward offering
more debt relief or more troops. Doesn't it appear that the American face will be on the security of Iraq for a long
time to come? So where --
THE PRESIDENT: No, it doesn't appear that way. There will be an Iraqi face on the security of Iraq. The Iraqis will
secure their own country. And we are there to help them do so. And we had great discussions today about how to help
Iraq.
Tom, the resolution just got passed. I know we live in a world where everything is supposed to happen yesterday, but it
doesn't work that way. And we're waiting for the Iraqi government to assess the situation and make requests to the free
world. We'll respond to their requests when sovereignty is fully transferred. That's the definition of full sovereignty.
You see, when a government is fully sovereign, they then make requests on behalf of their people.
And the response here at the G8 has been very encouraging. In other words, the G8 leaders have said, we'll wait for
their requests and see if we can't help. But just let me make the point again: Most of the security in Iraq will be
provided by Iraqis, and we are there to help them
Steve.
Q Thanks, Mr. President. President Chirac said yesterday that NATO should not intervene in Iraq. Is that what you were
proposing? Is a common ground possible before the Turkey summit?
THE PRESIDENT: I suggested to the leaders of the G8 that we listen to the needs of the Iraqi leadership. And if they ask
for more training, for example, a good organization to provide that training would be NATO. As I said, I think in your
presence, as a matter of fact, I don't expect more troops from NATO to be offered up. That's an unrealistic expectation.
Nobody is suggesting that. What we are suggesting is for NATO, perhaps, to help train. Now, that would come at the
request of the Iraqi government. And I found a common spirit of wanting to help Iraq progress and become a peaceful
country. People understand the stakes involved here. But democracy in the heart of the Middle East is going to be a --
an important change for that region, that troubled region.
And I understand some in the world say, this country can't be free and self-governing. Well, I disagree. I strongly
believe it will be free and prosperous. And they need our help, and they'll have our help. And when they're free and
prosperous, it will serve as a symbol, an example of that which is possible for other countries and other people.
See, I believe free societies best meet the aspirations of the people living in those societies. And we look forward to
helping Iraq achieve that -- the dream of being at peace and free, and a county in which the people are able to express
their opinions.
Sanger.
Q Mr. President, the Justice Department issued an advisory opinion last year declaring that as Commander-in-Chief you
have the authority to order any kind of interrogation techniques that are necessary to pursue the war on terror. Were
you aware of this advisory opinion? Do you agree with it? And did you issue any such authorization at any time?
THE PRESIDENT: No, the authorization I issued, David, was that anything we did would conform to U.S. law and would be
consistent with international treaty obligations. That's the message I gave our people.
Q Have you seen the memos?
THE PRESIDENT: I can't remember if I've seen the memo or not, but I gave those instructions.
John, yes.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Sir, I wanted to ask you about this Libyan plot to assassinate Prince Abdullah of Saudi
Arabia. My understanding of it is that it came to the White House's attention in early April. The White House officials
do believe that Qadhafi had some kind of involvement in it. I'm wondering if you could confirm that. Also, have you sent
any kind of a message to Qadhafi about it? And what does it say about his intentions to truly renounce terrorism and
rejoin the community of nations?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I appreciate that question. What I can tell you is, is that we're going to make sure we fully
understand the veracity of the plot line. And so we're looking into it, is the best way I can tell you. And when we find
out the facts, we will deal with them accordingly.
Q Was there any kind of message sent to him, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: I don't talk to Colonel Qadhafi. I have sent a message to him, that if he honors his commitments to
resist terror and to fully disclose and disarm his weapons programs, we will begin a process of normalization, which we
have done. We have begun that process. And now there's -- we will make sure he honors his commitment.
John.
Q Mr. President, thank you. In the past, and here at this summit, you have made crystal-clear how important this Middle
East initiative is to you. And yet, key U.S. allies in the region, like Egypt, like Saudi Arabia, like Kuwait, refuse to
send representatives to engage in the discussions. Do you take that as a personal slap, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: No. (Laughter.) Okay, I'll give your question more answer. (Laughter.) This initiative is not important
for me, it's important for the people of the region. That's what's important, for the people of the region to have a
chance to live in a free society. And, obviously, I believe it's possible that there will be free, self-governing
countries in this vital part of the world. And so do others, including the leaders that came and spoke to us.
And look, I fully understand -- look, there was some concern when the initiative was first proposed that this was
America trying to make the world look like America. It's not going to happen. I fully understand that a free society in
the Middle East is going to reflect the culture and traditions of the people in that country, not America.
I also understand it takes a while to adopt the habits of a democratic society and a free society. After all, it took
our own country a while. You might remember the period of the Articles of Confederation. You do remember the period of
the Articles -- (laughter.) It just took us a while. It's not easy work. It's hard work. But we believe it is necessary
work, because free societies are peaceful societies. The best way to defeat terror is to speak to the aspirations and
hopes of women and men.
And so I understand, John, that there's a certain nervousness about whether or not people can adapt the institutions of
freedom. But they shouldn't be nervous. They ought to welcome reform.
And you mentioned my friend, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia. He and I have discussed reform before. He understands the
need to reform -- it's not going to -- you know, it's not going to meet the expectations of every American. But
nevertheless, he understands the need to speak to the hopes and aspirations of his people.
And so it was a very positive meeting yesterday. And the statement ought to be very positive.
I had a very interesting moment when the Minister of -- I think that her title is Minister of Displaced Persons in Iraq.
She came with the President's delegation. And she took me aside, and said, "You must understand, Mr. President, when you
speak about reform in the Middle East, there are a lot of brave people who hear your words." And I shared that with my
counterparts at the G8, that people hear our words. Because, you know -- and they're anxious that we honor what we say
because they want to be free, they want to be free people.
Let's see here. Let's make sure we get fair -- Jimmy Angle. Where are you? No show. John.
Q Mr. President --
THE PRESIDENT: -- it's very kind of me to call upon your network, even though the guy's name here, who was supposed to
be here, didn't show. (Laughter.) I haven't seen you in a while. Why are you covering Congress and not the White House?
Q Well, I'm glad to be here, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, good. (Laughter.)
Q Returning to the question of torture, if you knew a person was in U.S. custody and had specific information about an
imminent terrorist attack that could kill hundreds or even thousands of Americans, would you authorize the use of any
means necessary to get that information and to save those lives?
THE PRESIDENT: Jonathan, what I've authorized is that we stay within U.S. law.
Gregory.
Q Yes, sir. Thank you, Mr. President. I was struck by something you said that it's the Iraqis who are going to be
primarily responsible for their own security.
THE PRESIDENT: Correct.
Q How is that the case when you have said repeatedly that the terrorists and the killers in Iraq understand the stakes
of this particular time, and that they're only going to intensify their insurgency? I mean, isn't the reality that --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, go ahead.
Q Haven't you said that?
THE PRESIDENT: I have said that. No, I wasn't -- I was just kind of -- I'm trying to get to where your question is
leading.
Q Well, I guess I'm challenging the notion --
THE PRESIDENT: I should not anticipate, I'm sorry.
Q Okay, no, what I'm trying to do is challenge the notion that it's Iraqis who are going to be primarily responsible for
their security when we've come through a period where, as you've noted, many of them are running away from their posts,
they're not adequately trained. Isn't the reality that the United States is still very much alone in Iraq, going
forward, even after the handover, in terms of securing the country?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, David, there is a coalition on the ground in Iraq. If you're here to ask Prime
Minister Blair a question, I would hope you wouldn't ask the question, do you think America is alone in Iraq. He's got a
lot of troops in Iraq, and other nations have troops in Iraq, all aiming to help the Iraqi people. But the long-term
solution is going to be for the Iraqi people to secure their own country, David. That's the only way this country is
going to evolve into a prosperous, free society.
And I believe the full transfer of sovereignty is going to -- will help the Iraqis understand the stakes. They will be
responsible. It's their responsibility. We are there to help. And, yes, the main security will be provided by the Iraqi
citizens. It's -- that's -- that's the duty of a government, is to train and equip and provide police and army to
protect their people from people who are willing to kill innocent life.
Now, look, I fully concede, and have publicly, that I think things are still going to be tough there. The transfer of
sovereignty isn't going to stop Zarqawi, an al Qaeda associate, who, by the way, was in Baghdad prior to our arrival and
still operates in the country. He's willing to kill innocent life. His desire is to kill anybody in his way, to try to
shake the confidence of the Iraqi citizens, as well as the citizens of the free world. He operates. And we're there to
help the Iraqi citizens find him and bring him to justice. No question it's still going to be dangerous.
But the solution for Iraqi security is going to be provided by the Iraqis. That's what Prime Minister Allawi has said so
clearly. I haven't met the Prime Minister yet, but he sounds like a very strong, courageous individual, who says, look,
we want -- we want your help, but it's our responsibility to secure our country. And we're there to help.
Let's see here, I'm trying to curry favor with everybody, of course. (Laughter.)
Q -- in the back.
THE PRESIDENT: I will in a minute, hold on for a second. Dick. Yes, Dick. Sorry. I just got some -- I've got some
mandatories I've got to call on here. (Laughter.) See, I have to live with these people, I don't have to live with you.
(Laughter.)
Q Thank you for that, Mr. President.
Q In that case, can I ask you another one?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, exactly, Roberts. (Laughter.)
Q Given -- given recent developments in the CIA leak case, particularly Vice President Cheney's discussions with the
investigators, do you still stand by what you said several months ago, a suggestion that it might be difficult to
identify anybody who leaked the agent's name?
THE PRESIDENT: That's up to --
Q And, and, do you stand by your pledge to fire anyone found to have done so?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. And that's up to the U.S. Attorney to find the facts.
Q My final point would be -- or question would be, has Vice President Cheney assured you --
THE PRESIDENT: It's up to the --
Q -- subsequent to his conversations with them, that nobody --
THE PRESIDENT: I haven't talked to the Vice President about this matter, and I suggest -- recently -- and I suggest you
talk to the U.S. Attorney about that.
Hold on for a minute. I'm kind of observing for a second. I've got to call on the Texas newspaper. Hillman.
Q Yes, Mr. President. In the wake of the U.N. resolution this week and the discussions here at Sea Island, what can you
tell the American people about when U.S. troops might be coming home from Iraq in large numbers?
THE PRESIDENT: When the job is done.
Judy.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Sir, since President Reagan's death, there seems to be new momentum behind efforts to rename
the Pentagon for him, or to put his image on American currency. Do you support either of those?
THE PRESIDENT: Judy, look, I am -- I am going to Washington to pay honor to Mrs. Reagan and her family. I'll give a
speech tomorrow, and then I will reflect on further ways to honor a great President.
Lakely.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Many in this country and around the world believe that the United Nations involvement in
Iraq is necessary because the way you've conducted the war in Iraq is illegitimate and has lowered the moral standing of
the United States around the world. However, one could also argue that the United Nations has moral authority problems
of its own with the oil-for-food scandal in Iraq, for instance. How do you respond to those who think that the United
Nations has greater moral standing in the world than the United States? Or do you think the United States maybe is held
to a higher standard than the United Nations?
THE PRESIDENT: I think the United States is a strong, compassionate nation. And as President of a strong, compassionate
nation, I'll do what it takes to defend us. We're at war. We're at war with an enemy who killed thousands of our
citizens on September the 11th, 2001. And since that time, they've killed hundreds elsewhere. They're killers, and I
have an obligation to defend our country.
And the war on terror is a different kind of war. It requires international cooperation to fight it. And there's
excellent international cooperation in the war against terror. There's excellence -- there's excellent
intelligence-sharing, not only with nations in the G8, but nations throughout the world. There's excellent law
enforcement operations -- joint operations. We have got special forces from Europe side-by-side with special forces in
the United States in remote regions of Afghanistan trying to find remnants of the Taliban and al Qaeda. There's
substantial cooperation.
And that's the reason I went to the United Nations, to encourage cooperation. Plus, I wanted the United Nations to be a
body that had the respect of the world, and when it said something, it meant it.
And so I went and took the case of Iraq to the United Nations. We got a unanimous United Nations Security Council
resolution. It said, Mr. Saddam Hussein, disclose your weapons programs; if you don't, face serious consequences. In my
judgment, when a body or a person says, face serious consequences, you'd better mean it; otherwise future words ring
hollow, and it would have made it less likely that international cooperation would have been effective in the war on
terror.
So that's why I went to the United Nations. I have respect for the United Nations. I was pleased with the U.N. Security
Council resolution at the United Nations. It had a positive effect on the Iraqi people to hear the world speak. It also
had a practical effect on allowing world leaders to go to their parliaments, and say, the U.N. has spoken; therefore,
let us continue missions. And I think it's a positive -- I think it's a positive development when the U.N. is able to
work together. And we are working together. We're working together a lot, on a lot of fronts. And that's what's going to
have to continue to happen as we fight the war on terror.
Let me say it again: There's an enemy which lurks out there that is willing to kill on a moment's notice. They're trying
to shake the world's confidence. They want us to retreat. They want us to surrender. They want us to say, you win, we'll
leave regions of the country. And so long as I'm the President of the United States, we'll be determined and firm and
committed to fighting this enemy, for the good of all free people, so people can grow up without fear.
All right, I'm going to do a little something here. Clive, BBC. Where are you, Clive?
Q He's not here, but I'll -- (laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: You qualify. (Laughter.) It's about -- you've been to almost all my press conferences, and you've never
asked a question.
Q Well, thank you very much, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Where is Clive?
Q Back here, sir. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Back where? Clive, I'm sorry.
Q Sorry, Clive. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: There's a surrogate Clive here. (Laughter.)
Q Mr. President, I wanted to return to the question of torture. What we've learned from these memos this week is that
the Department of Justice lawyers and the Pentagon lawyers have essentially worked out a way that U.S. officials can
torture detainees without running afoul of the law. So when you say that you want the U.S. to adhere to international
and U.S. laws, that's not very comforting. This is a moral question: Is torture ever justified?
THE PRESIDENT: Look, I'm going to say it one more time. If I -- maybe -- maybe I can be more clear. The instructions
went out to our people to adhere to law. That ought to comfort you. We're a nation of law. We adhere to laws. We have
laws on the books. You might look at those laws, and that might provide comfort for you. And those were the instructions
out of -- from me to the government.
All right, Al Hurra. Good, thank you for coming.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. You do have now the personal gun of Saddam Hussein. Are you willing to give it to President
al-Yawar as a symbolic gift, or are you keeping it? (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: What she's referring to is a -- members of a Delta team came to see me in the Oval Office and brought
with me -- these were the people that found Saddam Hussein, the dictator of Iraq, hiding in a hole. And, by the way, let
me remind everybody about Saddam Hussein, just in case we all forget. There were mass graves under his leadership. There
were torture chambers. Saddam Hussein -- if you -- we had seven people come to my office. Perhaps the foreign press
didn't see this story. Seven people came to my -- they had their hands cut off because the Iraqi currency had devalued.
And Saddam Hussein needed somebody to blame, so he blamed small merchants. And their hands were chopped off, their right
hand.
Fortunately, a documentary film maker went to Baghdad and filmed the -- filmed these seven men. And their story was
picked up around the nation, particularly in Houston, Texas, where a person named Marvin Zindler, who runs a foundation,
took great sympathy and flew them over and had new hands put on. The latest prosthesis were put on their hand -- were
put on their arms. And their hands worked. I remember the guy signing "God Bless America" with his new hand in the Oval
Office.
So this is the person. So needless to say, our people were thrilled to have captured him. And in his lap was several
weapons. One of them was a pistol. And they brought it to me. It's now the property of the U.S. government. And I am --
I am -- it -- I'm grateful for their bravery. I'm also grateful that that part of the mission was accomplished, for the
good of the Iraqi people.
Deans. This is your area, right?
Q Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
Q Thank you so much.
THE PRESIDENT: Is any local press here, at all, by the way? Any local? Okay.
Q Mr. President, a year ago in Evian, there was an expectation that in the ensuing months, weapons such as chemical or
biological weapons, would be found in Iraq. I wonder if you can share with the American people your conclusions, based
on what you've learned over the past 15 months, sir, as to whether those weapons were -- existed and they were hidden,
were they destroyed, were they somehow spirited out of the country, or perhaps they weren't there before the war, and
whether you had a chance to share this with your G8 partners.
THE PRESIDENT: Right, no -- Bob, it's a good question. I don't know -- I haven't reached a final conclusion yet because
the inspectors -- inspection teams aren't back yet. I do know that Saddam Hussein had the capacity to make weapons. I do
know he's a dangerous person. I know he used weapons against his own people and against the neighborhood. But we'll wait
until Charlie gets back with the final report, and then I'll be glad to report.
Local man, thanks.
Q Mr. President, Sonny Dixon, WTOC in Savannah. I'm a native of this region, by the way. Stating the obvious, begging
the indulgence of these fine people, this has been a terrific undertaking for our region of the country. We appreciate
your words regarding hospitality. But in terms of logistics, facilities, and security, your observations on this G8
Summit.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. First, I want to thank the local citizens for putting up with all the security. I was riding
my bike down the road in Sea Island and a lady was just driving along the road, very happy, and the next thing she
knows, some friendly agents were heading right in her way. (Laughter.) And she, of course, pulled over, and I zoomed by.
I felt like stopping to tell her, thanks, I apologize for the inconvenience.
I also had the honor of going by and thanking the -- the local, state, and federal folks who provided the security at
the airport over there on St. Simons Island. The cooperation was fantastic. The local sheriffs and police chiefs need to
be commended, and so do their people, for working so well with the state and federal people.
It -- look, this is -- we made the right choice to come down here for this summit. The people were just spectacular. And
I'll tell you, I generally don't put words in a foreign leader's mouth, but today, Jacques Chirac said the food was
great. (Laughter.) And so, of course, I told the chefs. And they recognize that it's a heck of a lot better to hear the
food is great from Jacques Chirac than George W. Bush. (Laughter.) But it's really good.
Thank you for asking that, because it's been a spectacular success, primarily because the people are so wonderful down
here.
Let's see here -- Andre Sitov, from Itar-Tass. Andre, good to see you. How are you?
Q Doing great.
THE PRESIDENT: That's good.
Q G8s are supposed to be about informal contacts between leaders, so I wanted to ask you, sir, how do policy differences
that sometimes happen between you and your foreign partners, how do they affect your personal relationship with those
leaders? Thank you, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. Well, we go to different corners of the room and we face the wall -- no. (Laughter.) Look, there is
-- we're united by values. We're united by common values. And therefore, it's a -- it's a easy place to start
conversations. And it's to be expected that nations don't always agree on every issue. But we do agree in the power of
free societies; we do agree on a free press. We don't necessarily agree with everything the free press writes, but we
agree on a free press. We agree with free religions. There's great agreement.
And so, therefore, it's -- this is a -- it facilitates good and healthy conversation. And, look, there was obviously a
disagreement over whether or not we enforced the demands of the U.N. I fully understand that. But now that's past. And I
know there's great speculation about the relationship between the United States and France. Let's face it. Most people
say, the United States and the world differ. No, it's the United States and France, that's where the focus generally is.
And as Jacques Chirac said yesterday, relations with the United States are excellent. He's right.
That doesn't mean we agree every time we speak. But nevertheless, we've got very good relations. And I appreciate my
working relationship with him.
And so the meetings are very cordial. And you probably want me to say something about Vladimir Putin. Yes, well, it's
because you -- I've always had good relations with Vladimir, ever since the first time I met him. You remember where I
met him first?
Q Slovenia.
THE PRESIDENT: Very good. Very good. (Laughter.) That's impressive. But he's a -- he is a person who's got opinions, and
I admire strong opinions. I like courageous leaders, people who express their opinions. It's -- to me, it's hard to have
a good meeting with somebody if you always wonder what their opinion is. And you kind of leave feeling somewhat empty.
That's not how you get things done, as far as I'm concerned. When you sit around the table, you say what's on your mind,
you know, here's what I think, what do you think? And if there's a difference, try to explain the differences, and try
to find common ground to work together.
We've got too much to do in a world beset by terror, poverty and disease, to allow a policy difference to prevent us
from working together. And that's why these G8 summits are meaningful and worthwhile. And that's why I'm really glad to
have been the host here in Georgia.
Putting the hook on me? Okay. Listen, we're off to Washington. I've got a -- I've got the -- I will be paying tribute to
President Reagan here in about an hour and a half or so, and then will be visiting with Mrs. Reagan at the Blair House.
I appreciate your understanding for the need for us, whoever is traveling with me, to get moving, so that we can be on
time for a solemn night, and a day of remembrance tomorrow for a magnificent world leader.
God bless you all. Thanks for coming. (Applause.)
END 4:08 P.M. EDT