Transcript: Wolfowitz Interview With Jim Lehrer
NEWS TRANSCRIPT from the United States Department of Defense
DoD News Briefing
Deputy Secretary of Defense
Paul Wolfowitz
Thursday, March 21, 2002 - 6:00
p.m.
(Wolfowitz Interview with Jim Lehrer, News Hour, PBS TV)
JIM LEHRER: And to our Newsmaker interview with
Deputy
Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, the number
two man at the
Pentagon. Welcome.
PAUL WOLFOWITZ: Good to be here.
LEHRER: On the tribunals or commissions
announcement today,
what kinds of people, what kind of
defendants are they designed
to prosecute?
WOLFOWITZ:
These commissions are an instrument of justice
in
pursuing the war on terrorism, and the president
directed
Secretary Rumsfeld to set these up, or to
prepare the rules for
them, I think back in
November.
We've been working for some four months, and
what we announced
today are the rules of procedure under
which they will work,
which I think will ensure a fair
trial, but also deal with very
special conditions under
which some of these trials may have to
take place with
the use of classified information, the use of
information
collected from the battlefield.
But the only people that
would be subjected to these commissions
are non-US
citizens who were connected to al-Qaeda or
other
terrorist movements, guilty of serious terrorist
crimes against
the United States.
LEHRER: Now, are
there any of the people who are in custody now
who meet
the criteria for these kinds of trials?
WOLFOWITZ: It's
too early to say, and I think it's important to
emphasize
just how long it takes to really get information on
these
people. As an example, we caught a few years ago, at
the
turn of the millennium, that man who came across the
border from
Canada planning to blow up the Los Angeles
Airport. Apparently
he sat in more or less solitary
confinement in Seattle for a
year saying nothing and then
finally decided to tell the whole
story about how he
planned to bring this bomb in.
The people we have down in
Guantanamo, some of them talk a
little, some of them
don't say anything, some of them lie and
give us
misinformation.
And the information that we're collecting
in Afghanistan piece
by piece is part of that picture, so
it's like putting together
a puzzle. And we're still in,
I would say, the early stages of
collecting information
about these folks.
LEHRER: But Secretary Rumsfeld, as I
understood what Secretary
Rumsfeld said today, there is
no "a defendant" or no series of
defendants waiting to go
to trial under these new rules.
WOLFOWITZ: No. We
published the rules today because we had
really reached
the end of a fairly exhaustive process. We
decided we
had figured out something that we believe really
meets
the standard of fairness, that is proper for the
United
States, that protects certain key things that
normal either
civil courts or military courts couldn't
do, like the handling
of classified information. But we
didn't do it because we have
somebody imminently ready
for a commission.
LEHRER: What about those 300 people at
Guantanamo? Assuming
that all of them are not tried
under these new rules of today,
what is going to happen
to them?
WOLFOWITZ: I think it's important to recognize
that the people
who are in Guantanamo are there because
they're enemy combatants
seized in a war, a war on
terrorism. Most of them probably-- I
don't know the
exact legal term, but they are not normal
combatants in a
sense of being in uniform.
There's a lot that's very
unique about this conflict. Some of
them are in fact
criminals. They're not only enemy combatants,
they're
people who are guilty of being involved probably
or
possibly in serious crimes of terrorism.
So we need
a procedure for bringing them to justice. We also
need
to handle them as we would handle a dangerous enemy in
the
course of a war. And these people are actually much
more
dangerous than that. You know, in past wars you'd
take a
prisoner and once he was off the battlefield, he
was relatively
harmless. These... one of these guys got
off the plane in
Guantanamo swearing he would kill an
American before he left.
So they're dangerous people,
whether or not they go before a
military
commission.
LEHRER: When will that decision be made? I
mean, will these
people just be held indefinitely - or is
there a process being
thought through to dispose of those
300 people one way or
another, or is today part of that
process?
WOLFOWITZ: I think it's important to emphasize
no one will go
before a military commission without a
Presidential decision on
that individual case to do so.
There's a very intensive process
going on today to
interrogate these people, to collect
information on them,
working with law enforcement agencies from
the many
different countries from which they come.
I think we've
already had three or four or five countries send
their
own people down to Guantanamo to help to interview
their
own citizens. And there will be different
dispositions I think
for different ones. Some of them
may turn out to be completely
harmless. Some of them may
turn out to be the kind of enemy
combatant you would want
to hold until the end of the war. Some
of them may go
back to their own country for some kind of trial,
and
some of them may go to military commissions. We're still
in
the sorting out stage.
JIM LEHRER: Now, on the
military commission - you said -- the
President of the
United States literally must sign off on
anybody who's
tried in one of these commissions?
WOLFOWITZ: That is the way the Presidential order is written, yes.
LEHRER: And
then once this... okay, let's go through some of
the
specifics here. The commission is from three to
seven
members, right, at any given time?
WOLFOWITZ: That's right.
LEHRER: And they're U.S. military officers?
WOLFOWITZ: They are, all of them with judicial
experience. I
mean people should bear in mind we have a
regular system of
military courts that all of our
servicemen and women are
subjected to if they're accused
of a violation of the Uniform
Code of Military Justice,
and it's the same kind of personnel
who are on these
tribunals, these commissions.
LEHRER: Will there be lawyers?
WOLFOWITZ: They have judicial and legal
background. I imagine
most of them will be
lawyers.
LEHRER: Each defendant has the right to, will be
appointed a
military defense lawyer, right?
WOLFOWITZ:
Each defendant will be given a counsel free of
charge.
It will be a military lawyer, and each defendant
will
have a right, if he wants to, to hire his own
civilian lawyer
from a very large number of civilian
lawyers that would be
available.
LEHRER: Presumption of innocence?
WOLFOWITZ: Presumption of innocence, proof
beyond a reasonable
doubt, two-thirds majority required
for conviction, unanimous
verdict required for death
penalty, automatic review of every
sentence.
LEHRER: Call his or her own witnesses?
WOLFOWITZ: Right to call
witnesses, right to discovery of
information, right to
revealing the evidence the prosecution is
going to bring.
I mean I thank you for going through that whole
list. I
mean -- it gives you some sense, too, I think of
how
careful this process has been.
LEHRER: Now, the
decision, they will be open to the public,
right? I mean
they will be open trials, except if the presiding
officer
decides on a couple or three reasons he or she can
close
them right?
WOLFOWITZ: Either to protect
classified information or to
protect the security of the
proceedings. But the directive is
to be as open as
possible.
LEHRER: Now, the security of the proceedings,
explain what the
dangers are there about the security of
the proceedings. What
does that mean?
WOLFOWITZ: It
means that we're dealing with people who are --
have made
it very clear and -- I shouldn't say necessarily,
we
presume they're innocent until proven guilty -- if
they're
there, it's because they're accused of being
involved with
showing the most murderous kind of intent.
One of the judges
who was involved in one of the
terrorism trials earlier in the
'90s still has
around-the-clock protection because...
LEHRER: It was the first World Trade Center trial, right?
WOLFOWITZ: It was. Yes.
LEHRER: He's still under protection.
WOLFOWITZ:
He's still under threat. One of the reasons to
have
military officers serve on these commissions is we
believe
they're the kind of people who know how to deal
with that kind
of threat, who won't be intimidated by it,
but it could turn out
to be dangerous duty.
LEHRER:
Some people raise some questions about the
classified
inromation, the national security. Anyone
could close this; say
"hey, that's classified, let's
close this." Is there going to
be anything in the
directives that will lean towards openness or
lean
towards closeness? What can you say about
that?
WOLFOWITZ: Exact rules of evidence are still being
developed,
but I think that the fact that the lawyers
will be military
officers who are cleared to see all the
evidence is a great
protection.
LEHRER: Including the defense lawyer?
WOLFOWITZ: The defense lawyers,
absolutely. If he hires a
civilian defense lawyer, one
of the qualifications will be that
he can be cleared at
least to the secret level.
Let me say the other side of
the coin. We have, I think, leaned
very far in an effort
to be fair. It's very important to make
it clear too, if
anyone goes before this military commission it
is going
to be because we have every reason to believe they
are
involved in some of the most terrible crimes every
committed
against this country. And we cannot rule out
the use of
classified information. We can't rule out the
use of
information that may be collected on a battlefield
in
Afghanistan that doesn't meet our normal police
standards of the
chain of evidence - of knowing exactly
who held it at which
point along the way. That's why the
President created this
special instrument.
We're
dealing with a special breed of person here in a
very
unique circumstance in a very unique war.
LEHRER:
When we say a special breed, just so we understand,
are
we talking about people like Osama bin Laden and the
people
around him and Mullah Omar, these people in fact
are still alive
and in fact are caught, is this
particular process, particularly
reserved for them, in
other words, the top dogs in all of this?
WOLFOWITZ: You
know, it would be very presumptuous for me to
presume how
the president's going to decide. I think you can
see
already from the way we've proceeded, that this is a
fairly
special instrument that's probably, I assume
reserved for
special cases. Mr. Moussaoui was submitted
to a --
LEHRER: He was supposedly, could have been the 20th hijacker, right?
WOLFOWITZ: That's right. The
decision was made to put him into
a regular civilian
court process. And I don't know of the 300
people we
have in Guantanamo, or the roughly 300 in
Afghanistan,
how many of them will turn out to be clearly
culpable of very
serious crimes.
LEHRER: As you said,
two-thirds a vote of the commission, of
any given
commission is required for conviction -- unanimous
for
death penalty. What are the other possible
punishments below
the death penalty?
WOLFOWITZ: Essentially various forms of incarceration.
LEHRER: And
that is up -- there's not going to be any rules on
that?
I mean there're not going to be minimums, maximums;
it's
going to be up to each individual commission to
decide?
WOLFOWITZ: I wouldn't rule out that we might set
some rules and
certainly rules will develop. I mean
we're going to operate in
a way that common law courts,
which is our court system,
operate, which is you meet our
justice in an equal way. If you
start with one set of
punishments for one kind of individual,
that will
probably set a standard for others. But we don't do
this
on pure theory; we're going to do it on cases.
LEHRER:
Now, the review process: The trial is over, there's
been
a conviction, it's automatically reviewed by the
secretary
of Defense, is that correct?
WOLFOWITZ: It's
automatically reviewed by a panel of senior
judicial
officers who are either from the military judicial
system
or are civilian judges who are called back to
active
duty.
LEHRER: They have the authority to toss it out, reverse it?
WOLFOWITZ: They do. And if they rule
not guilty... if a
decision... excuse me. They have an
authority to review a
decision, and the review then goes
to the secretary for
decision. If the commission itself
passes a verdict of
innocent, that's the final
say.
LEHRER: There cannot be any retrial?
WOLFOWITZ:
It cannot be retried. There's no double jeopardy, in
other
words.
LEHRER: And then it eventually goes to
the President to sign
off on the conviction? Or that's
the final review?
PAUL WOLFOWITZ: Yes.
JIM LEHRER:
Now, is there any review beyond that? Can a
defendant
take it into the -- a defendant cannot take it into
the
federal court system, is that correct?
WOLFOWITZ: We
don't believe so. I mean you know, in our
system, you
can take anything to a court and it's going to be up
to
the federal court system to decide what their view is.
But
we believe this is a clear exercise, a clear and
correct
exercise of the President's war power and
certainly in the past
cases we've had and this is unique
in many ways, it's worse than
the past cases we've had,
and this is unique, this is worse and
in the past cases
there has not been a judicial review.
LEHRER: Are you
satisfied, as an individual and as an official
of the
United States Government, that this process that
was
outlined today is in keeping with all of the
traditional
judicial standards of the United States of
America in the way to
treat people accused of
crimes?
WOLFOWITZ: I believe we've done absolutely the
best job it's
possible to do in setting up these basic
rules. Obviously
implementation is another major part of
the process. You can
have the best rules in the world,
if you don't implement them
faithfully and properly, then
that becomes a problem. I don't
think it will be. I
think we have done, I think, a procedure
that truly does
meet American standards and American values.
LEHRER: A
couple of other quick subjects: Afghanistan, there
were
reports in the last couple of days that the United
States
has been opposed to the expansion of the
peacekeeping force in
Afghanistan beyond Kabul and that
the Pentagon in particular was
opposed to that, despite
the pleas of the interim head of
Afghanistan, Mr. Karzai
for that. Why? What's the problem?
WOLFOWITZ: There's no
doctrinaire position here. I think we
all agree on a
common objective, which is that we want to see a
stable
Afghanistan that doesn't become a sanctuary
for
terrorists, and we want to see this I think quite
remarkable
start that the Afghans have made at
establishing a degree of
consensus on a central
authority, we want to see that work.
There are a number of
different ways to establish security.
It's a challenge
right now, quite frankly, to make sure that we
have the
continuity that we need in Kabul. We've been
talking
with the Turks who were supposed to take over the
lead from the
British.
They haven't quite agreed to
that yet and to be honest, both the
Turks and the British
have great reservations about getting
outside of Kabul.
It doesn't mean that we aren't going to look
at those
other situations. And one of the keys, I believe,
to
providing that security is moving as rapidly as we can
to train
up an Afghan army or Afghan police, Afghan
security forces that
can directly apply the rid of the
central government to those
provinces.
LEHRER: As you
know, there are widespread reports from
independent
American press people on the ground and others that
there
is widespread lawlessness outside of Kabul. How
serious
is that, and how much of a concern is
that?
WOLFOWITZ: I suspect if you went back 30 years or
60 years or
100 years, you would find widespread
lawlessness. I don't mean
to make light of it but
Afghanistan is a big and wild country,
and it's now
suffered 25 years of ravages of civil war.
There isn't
going to be any magic solution, including
putting
peacekeepers in individual cities around the
country. It is a
problem; it's something we're concerned
about. It's something
that affects the delivery of
humanitarian aid and supplies, but
it is, I think, fair
to say that the situation in Afghanistan
today is so much
better than it was eight months ago, and we've
got to
keep working to make it better.
LEHRER: Finally, the
subject of Iraq. You're well known for
your views about
Saddam Hussein and a strong supporter of the
President's
view that he should be removed from power.
Vice
President Cheney came back from his trip, he said
that, we just
quoted it in the News Summary, that he said
that the many Arab
leaders could share the concern about
weapons of mass
destruction but did not share the U.S.
desire to get rid of
Saddam Hussein, said it would cause
instability in the region.
How do you read
that?
WOLFOWITZ: I think, obviously, for people who live
in that
region, it is a difficult situation. I would not
expect
Saddam's neighbors to be the first people to raise
their hands
to say, "You've got to take tough action
against him." I think
they look to the United States to
lead, and I think the
President is leading very
clearly.
What he has done so far is to state the nature of
the problem,
which is that here is a man with declared
hostility to the
United States, declared willingness and
eagerness to kill
Americans, who supports terrorism, who
has weapons of mass
destruction, is developing new
ones.
What the President has said is that's not an
acceptable
situation and it's not something we can just
continue living
with forever.
What that State of the
Union message and the things he said
since have been is
kind of an invitation for other countries to
come and
tell us, okay, what would you do about the problem
and
I'm sure Secretary Cheney heard a number of things in
private in
his discussions that will probably remain
private.
LEHRER: But in public, you know, from Jordan,
from Egypt on to
just to every place he went, there were
public statements
saying, "okay, but lay off, you know,
we've got enough problems
over here with the Israelis and
the Palestinians, don't make our
area even more
unstable." Is that going to change anybody's
thinking in
Washington?
WOLFOWITZ: I think we need to wait and hear
exactly what the
Vice President came back with. But, you
know, I don't want to
make light of their concerns, I
don't in any way, I mean they
face a serious
problem.
But if you were asking someone who is under
threat from a
serious criminal, what should you do about
him, I don't think
you'd expect that person to go out in
public and say, "well, I
think the law enforcement
agencies should come and deal with
him." I think they'd
want to know what the law enforcement
agencies are going
to do.
LEHRER: All right. Mr. Secretary, thank you very much.
WOLFOWITZ: Thank you.
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