The Dalai Lama To The European Parliament
Speech of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the European Parliament
24 October 2001 Madame Speaker, Honourable Members of the Parliament, ladies and gentlemen.
It is a great honour for me to address the European Parliament. I believe the European Union is an inspiring example
for a cooperative and peaceful co-existence among different nations and peoples and deeply inspiring for people like
myself who strongly believe in the need for better understanding, closer cooperation, and greater respect among the
various nations of the world. I thank you for this kind invitation. I consider it as an encouraging gesture of genuine
sympathy and concern for the tragic fate of the Tibetan people. I speak to you today as a simple Buddhist monk, educated
and trained in our ancient traditional way. I am not an expert in political science. However, my life-long study and
practice of Buddhism and my responsibility and involvement in the non-violent freedom struggle of the Tibetan people
have given me some
experiences and thoughts that I would like to share with you.
It is evident that the human community has reached a critical juncture in its history. Today's world requires us to
accept the oneness of humanity. In the past, communities could afford to think of one another as fundamentally separate.
But today, as we learn from the recent tragic events in the United States, whatever happens in one region eventually
affects many other areas. The world is becoming increasingly interdependent. Within the context of this new
interdependence, self-interest clearly lies in considering the interest of others. Without the cultivation and promotion
of a sense of universal responsibility our very future is in danger.
I strongly believe that we must consciously develop a greater sense of universal responsibility. We must learn to work
not just for our own individual self, family or nation, but for the benefit of all mankind. Universal responsibility is
the best foundation both for our personal happiness and for world peace, the equitable use of our natural resources,
and, through a concern for future generations, the proper care for the environment.
Many of the world´s problems and conflicts arise because we have lost sight of the basic humanity that binds us all
together as a human family. We tend to forget that despite the diversity of race, religion, culture, language, ideology
and so forth, people are equal in their basic desire for peace and happiness: we all want happiness and do not want
suffering. We strive to fulfill these desires as best we can. However, as much as we praise diversity in theory,
unfortunately often we fail to respect it in practice. In fact, our inability to embrace diversity becomes a major
source of conflict among peoples.
A particularly sad fact of human history is that conflicts have arisen in the name of religion. Even today, individuals
are killed, their communities destroyed and societies destabilized as a result of misuse of religion and encouragement
of bigotry and hatred. According to my personal experience the best way to overcome obstructions to inter-religious
harmony and to bring about understanding is through dialogue with members of other faith traditions. This I see
occurring in a number of different ways. In my own case, for example, my meetings with the late Thomas Merton, a
Trappist monk, in the late 60s, were deeply inspiring. They helped me develop a profound admiration for the teachings of
Christianity. I also feel that meetings amongst different religious leaders and joining together to pray from a common
platform are extremely powerful, as was the case in 1986 during the gathering at Assisi in Italy. The recent United
Nations Millennium World Peace Summit of Religious and Spiritual Leaders held last year was also a laudable step.
However, there is a need for more of these inititiatives on a regular basis. On my part, to show my respect for other
religious traditions I went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem a site holy to three of the world's great religions. I have paid
visits to various Hindu, Islamic, Christian, Jain and Sikh shrines both in India and abroad. During the past three
decades I have met with many religious leaders of different traditions and have discussed harmony and inter-religious
understanding. When exchanges like these occur, followers of one tradition will find that, just as in the case of their
own, the teachings of other faiths are a source of both spiritual inspiration and as well as ethical guidance to their
followers. It will also become clear that irrespective of doctrinal and other differences, all the major world religions
help to transform individuals to become good human beings. All emphasize love, compassion, patience, tolerance,
forgiveness, humility, self-discipline and so on. We must therefore embrace the concept of plurality in the field of
religion, too.
In the context of our newly emerging global community all forms of violence, including war, are totally inappropriate
means of settling disputes. Violence and war have always been part of human history, and in ancient times there were
winners and losers. However, there would be no winners at all if another global conflict were to occur today. We must,
therefore, have the courage and vision to call for a world without nuclear weapons and national armies in the long run.
Especially, in the light of the terrible attacks in the United States the international community must make a sincere
attempt to use the horrible and shocking experience to develop a sense of global responsibility, where a culture of
dialogue and non-violence is used in resolving differences.
Dialogue is the only sensible and intelligent way of resolving differences and clashes of interests, whether between
individuals or nations. The promotion of a culture of dialogue and non-violence for the future of mankind is a
compelling task of the international community. It is not enough for governments to endorse the principle of
non-violence without any appropriate action to support and promote it. If non-violence is to prevail, non-violent
movements must be made effective and successful. Some consider the 20th century a century of war and bloodshed. I
believe the challenge before us is to make the new century one of dialogue and non-violence.
Furthermore, in dealing with conflicts too often we lack proper judgment and courage. We fail to pay adequate attention
to situations of potential conflict when they are at an early stage of development. Once all the circumstances have
progressed to a state where emotions of the people or communities involved in disputes have become fully charged, it is
extremely difficult, if not impossible, to prevent a dangerous situation from exploding. We see this tragic situation
repeated time and again. So we must learn to detect early signs of conflict and have the courage to address the problem
before it reaches its boiling point.
I remain convinced that most human conflicts can be solved through genuine dialogue conducted with a spirit of openness
and reconciliation. I have therefore consistently sought a resolution of the issue of Tibet through non-violence and
dialogue. Right from the beginning of the invasion of Tibet, I tried to work with the Chinese authorities to arrive at a
mutually acceptable, peaceful co-existence. Even when the so-called Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful
Liberation of Tibet was forced upon us I tried to work with the Chinese authorities. After all, by that agreement the
Chinese government recognized the distinctiveness and the autonomy of Tibet and pledged not to impose their system on
Tibet against our wishes. However, in breach of this agreement, the Chinese authorities forced upon Tibetans their rigid
and alien ideology and showed scant respect for the unique culture, religion and way of life of the Tibetan people. In
desperation the Tibetan people rose up against the Chinese. In the end in 1959 I had to escape from Tibet so that I
could continue to serve the people of Tibet.
During the past more than four decades since my escape, Tibet has been under the harsh control of the Government of the
People´s Republic of China. The immense destruction and human suffering inflicted on the people of Tibet are today well
known and I do not wish to dwell on these sad and painful events. The late Panchen Lama's 70,000-character petition to
the Chinese government serves as a telling historical document on China's draconian policies and actions in Tibet. Tibet
today continues to be an occupied country, oppressed by force and scarred by suffering. Despite some development and
economic progress, Tibet continues to face fundamental problems of survival. Serious violations of human rights are
widespread throughout Tibet and are often the result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination. Yet they are
only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese authorities view Tibet's distinct culture and
religion as the source of threat of separation. Hence as a result of deliberate policies an entire people with its
unique culture and identity are facing the threat of extinction.
I have led the Tibetan freedom struggle on a path of non-violence and have consistently sought a mutually agreeable
solution of the Tibetan issue through negotiations in a spirit of reconciliation and compromise with China. With this
spirit in 1988 here in Strasbourg at this Parliament I presented a formal proposal for negotiations, which we hoped
would serve as a basis for resolving the issue of Tibet. I had chosen consciously the European Parliament as a venue to
present my thoughts for a framework for negotiations in order to underline the point that a genuine union can only come
about voluntarily when there are satisfactory benefits to all the parties concerned. The European Union is a clear and
inspiring example of this. On the other hand, even one country or community can break into two or more entities when
there is a lack of trust and benefit, and when force is used as the principal means of rule.
My proposal which later became known as the "Middle Way Approach" or the "Strasbourg Proposal" envisages that Tibet
enjoy genuine autonomy within the framework of the People's Republic of China. However, not the autonomy on paper
imposed on us 50 years ago in the 17-Point Agreement, but a true self-governing, genuinely autonomous Tibet, with
Tibetans fully responsible for their own domestic affairs, including the education of their children, religious matters,
cultural affairs, the care of their delicate and precious environment, and the local economy. Beijing would continue to
be responsible for the conduct of foreign and defense affairs. This solution would greatly enhance the international
image of China and contribute to her stability and unity - the two topmost priorities of Beijing - while at the same
time the Tibetans would be ensured of the basic rights and freedoms to preserve their own civilization and to protect
the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau.
Since then our relation with the Chinese government has taken many twists and turns. Unfortunately, I must sadly inform
you that a lack of political will on the part of the Chinese leadership to address the issue of Tibet in a serious
manner has failed to produce any progress. My initiatives and overtures over the years to engage the Chinese leadership
in a dialogue remain unreciprocated. Last September, I communicated through the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi our wish to
send a delegation to Beijing to deliver a detailed memorandum outlining my thinking on the issue of Tibet and to explain
and discuss the points raised in the memorandum. I conveyed that through face-to-face meetings we would succeed in
clarifying misunderstandings and overcoming distrust. I expressed the strong belief that once this is achieved then a
mutually acceptable solution of the problem can be found without much difficulty. But the Chinese government is refusing
to accept my delegation till today. It is obvious that Beijing's attitude has hardened significantly compared to the
eighties when six Tibetan delegations from exile were accepted. Whatever explanations Beijing may give concerning
communications between the Chinese government and myself I must state here clearly that the Chinese government is
refusing to talk to the representatives I have designated for the task.
The failure of the Chinese leadership to respond positively to my Middle Way Approach reaffirms the Tibetan people's
suspicion that the Chinese government has no interest whatsoever in any kind of peaceful co-existence. Many Tibetans
believe that China is bent on complete forceful assimilation and absorption of Tibet into China. They call for the
independence of Tibet and criticise my "Middle Way Approach". Others are advocating a referendum in Tibet. They argue if
conditions inside Tibet are as the Chinese authorities portray it to be and if the Tibetans are truly happy, then there
should be no difficulty holding a plebiscite in Tibet. I have also always maintained that ultimately the Tibetan people
must be able to decide about the future of Tibet as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, stated
in the Indian Parliament on December 7. 1950: " last voice in regard to Tibet should be the voice of the people of Tibet and nobody else."
While I firmly reject the use of violence as a means in our freedom struggle we certainly have the right to explore all
other political options available to us. I am a staunch believer in freedom and democracy and have therefore been
encouraging the Tibetans in exile to follow the democratic process. Today, the Tibetan refugees may be among the few
communities in exile that have established all the three pillars of democracy: legislature, judiciary and executive.
This year we have taken another big stride in the process of democratisation by having the chairman of the Tibetan
Cabinet elected by popular vote. The elected chairman of the Cabinet and the elected parliament will shoulder the
responsibility of running the Tibetan affairs as the legitimate representatives of the people. However, I do consider it
my moral obligation to the six million Tibetans to continue taking up the Tibetan issue with the Chinese leadership and
to act as the free spokesman of the Tibetan people until a solution is reached.
In the absence of any positive response from the Chinese government to my overtures over the years, I am left with no
alternative but to appeal to the members of the international community. It is clear now that only increased, concerted
and consistent international efforts will persuade Beijing to change its policy on Tibet. Although the immediate
reactions from the Chinese side will be most probably negative, nevertheless, I strongly believe that expressions of
international concern and support are essential for creating an environment conducive for the peaceful resolution of the
Tibetan problem. On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue. It is my firm belief that dialogue and a
willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead us to a mutually beneficial solution that
will contribute to the stability and unity of the People's Republic of China and secure the right for the Tibetan people
to live in freedom, peace and dignity.
Brothers and sisters of the European Parliament, I consider myself as the free spokesman for my captive countrymen and
women. It is my duty to speak on their behalf. I speak not with a feeling of anger or hatred towards those who are
responsible for the immense suffering of our people and the destruction of our land, homes, temples, monasteries and
culture. They too are human beings who struggle to find happiness, and deserve our compassion. I speak to inform you of
the sad situation in my country today and of the aspirations of my people, because in our struggle for freedom, truth is
the only weapon we possess. Today, our people, our distinct rich cultural heritage and our national identity are facing
the threat of extinction. We need your support to survive as a people and as a culture.
When one looks at the situation inside Tibet it seems almost hopeless in the face of increasing repression, continuing
environmental destruction, and the ongoing systematic undermining of the culture and identity of Tibet. Yet I believe
that no matter how big and powerful China may be she is still part of the world. The global trend today is towards more
openness, freedom, democracy and respect for human rights. Sooner or later China will have to follow the world trend and
in the long run there is no way that China can escape from truth, justice and freedom. The consistent and principled
engagement of the European Parliament with China will accelerate this process of change that is already taken place in
China. Since the Tibetan issue is closely related with what is happening in China, I believe there is reason and ground
for hope.
I would like to thank the European Parliament for the consistent display of concern and support for the non-violent
Tibetan freedom struggle. Your sympathy and support have always been a deep source of inspiration and encouragement to
the Tibetan people both inside and outside Tibet. The numerous resolutions of the European Parliament on the issue of
Tibet helped greatly to highlight the plight of the Tibetan people and raise the awareness of the public and governments
in Europe and around the world of the issue of Tibet. I am especially encouraged by the European Parliament's resolution
calling for the appointment of an EU special representative for Tibet. I strongly believe that the implementation of
this resolution will enable the European Union not only to help promote a peaceful resolution of the Tibetan issue
through negotiations in a more consistent, effective and creative way but also provide support for other legitimate
needs of the Tibetan people, including ways and means to preserve our distinct identity. This initiative will also send
a strong signal to Beijing that the European Union is serious in encouraging and promoting a solution of the Tibetan
problem. I have no doubt that your continued expressions of concern and support for Tibet will in the long run impact
positively and help create the conducive political environment for a constructive dialogue on the issue of Tibet. I ask
for your continued support in this critical time in our country's history. I thank you for providing me the opportunity
to share my thoughts with you.
Thank you.
ENDS