Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 01/14/10

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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 000088

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DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/14/10

INDEX:
(1) PM Hatoyama: No plan to replace DPJ Secretary General Ozawa,
supports Ozawa despite raids by prosecutors over fund management
body's land deal (Sankei)

(2) Editorial: Okada, Clinton agree to start talks to rebuild basis
of bilateral alliance (Asahi)

(3) May deadline for Futenma relocation solution becomes "tough
task" for Japan at Okada-Clinton talks (Asahi)

(4) PNP policy chief Shimoji tours Misawa base in search for
alternative Futenma relocation site (Okinawa Times)

(5) Futenma relocation and Hatoyama administration: Change in Chief
Cabinet Secretary Hirano's attitude toward Futenma issue and
eagerness to reach settlement (Ryukyu Shimpo)

(6) "Ronten" column: Stationing of U.S. forces in Japan: "Security
alliance without permanent stationing of troops" is an illusion
(Yomiuri)

(7) My viewpoint column: ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea
should form core of East Asian Community (Asahi)

(8) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Yomiuri)

(9) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun)

(10) Child abduction and international divorce (Part 3): Sole
custody system continues to produce tragedies in Japan; disruption
of ties to son leads to suicide (Tokyo Shimbun)

ARTICLES:

(1) PM Hatoyama: No plan to replace DPJ Secretary General Ozawa,
supports Ozawa despite raids by prosecutors over fund management
body's land deal

SANKEI ONLINE (Full)
10:49, January 14, 2010

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama commented on the morning of Jan. 14 on
the Tokyo District Prosecutors Office's simultaneous raids over the
land deal involving Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary
General Ichiro Ozawa's fund management organization Rikuzan-kai. He
said: "The only thing we can do is to work hard, so that this will
not affect the Diet. The cabinet will unite as one." He responded to
questions from reporters in front of his official residential
quarters.

When asked if he will think about replacing the secretary general,
Hatoyama said: "Not at this point. The DPJ has come this far under
the secretary general's leadership. We have also weathered a very
tough election. I have no such plans for now," strongly denying the
possibility of replacing Ozawa. As to whether Ozawa should make
himself available for questioning by the Tokyo District Prosecutors
Office, Hatoyama's response was: "I think that is for him to
decide."

Concerning the growing demand for (Ozawa) to give an explanation
from the Social Democratic Party, a coalition partner of the DPJ,

TOKYO 00000088 002 OF 015

Hatoyama would only say: "Since the investigation is in progress, I
think he is refraining from making statements."

Meanwhile, Hatoyama asked the Diet to deliberate (on the regulation
of political funds), including the possibility of a legal amendment,
stating that: "Since the issue of (violation) of the Political Fund
Control Law has come up (in light of a series of scandals), this
question should be debated vigorously, and both the ruling and
opposition parties should be involved in dealing with it."

(2) Editorial: Okada, Clinton agree to start talks to rebuild basis
of bilateral alliance

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
January 14, 2010

Four months have passed since the Hatoyama administration was
inaugurated. The relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air
Station in Okinawa is still a thorn in side of Japan-U.S. ties, but
the bilateral relationship has finally begun to move forward.

Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and his U.S. counterpart Hillary
Clinton agreed in their meeting in Hawaii to launch a new round of
talks aimed at deepening the bilateral alliance.

Secretary of State Clinton renewed her call for Japan to implement
the current plan agreed on between Japan and the U.S. to relocate
the Futenma airfield to the Henoko district in Nago City.

She said that although the Futenma issue is extremely important,
"the issue is only part of the comprehensive bilateral partnership."
She emphasized the importance for Japan and the U.S. to promote
cooperation on other matters.

Last year, a change of government took place in Japan and the U.S.
The Obama administration and the Hatoyama administration share many
ideas; for instance, calls for promoting multinational cooperation,
nuclear abolition, and environmental protection. Given this, there
must be many areas in which the two governments can cooperate.

However, the Hatoyama administration's clumsy handling of the
Futenma issue has undermined Washington's' confidence in Tokyo.

Clinton emphasized that the Japan-U.S. alliance is a cornerstone of
U.S. policy toward Asia and the basis of security in the
Asia-Pacific region. This remark stems from the judgment that the
two countries should not allow their entire relationship to be
spoiled only due to the Futenma issue. The two governments have
finally returned to their original starting point, although it has
taken a considerable amount of time.

This year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Okada and Clinton agreed to start talks
aimed at strengthening the foundation of the bilateral alliance.
Okada is hoping that the two countries will draw up a joint security
declaration by November, when President Barack Obama is scheduled to
visit Japan.

Okada is reportedly eager to start discussions on Asia-Pacific
concerns so the two countries can develop a common awareness of
security issues in the region.

TOKYO 00000088 003 OF 015

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) grabbed the reins of government
from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which had persistently
supported the Japan-U.S. security arrangements in the postwar
period. What will the DPJ administration carry over from the LDP?
What kind of Japan-U.S. strategy is it going to craft amid great
changes in Asia and the world? Okada said, "Instead of discussing
stopgap measures, Japan and the U.S. should hold thorough talks from
a panoramic viewpoint."

Sharing a common perception will probably be useful for the two
countries in exploring a way out of the Futenma issue. It is also
expected to provide a good opportunity for Japan and the U.S. in the
new international environment to consider the propriety of the
measures taken under the Japan-U.S. security arrangements for a long
period time, such as the presence of U.S. military bases, the
Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, and Japan's host nation
support (the so-called omoiyari yosan or "sympathy budget"). By
doing so, their peoples' knowledge about these issues will also
deepen.

The government and the ruling coalition are looking for new
relocation sites for the Futenma airfield. Okada relayed to Clinton
"the prime minister's promise" that the administration would reach a
final conclusion by May. He also said that if the government fails
to deliver on this promise, the Hatoyama administration's
credibility will be affected.

It is true that the Futenma issue is just part of the Japan-U.S.
alliance, but if the Hatoyama administration does not go through the
difficult process of finding a solution acceptable to both sides, it
will also be difficult to discuss the future of the alliance.

(3) May deadline for Futenma relocation solution becomes "tough
task" for Japan at Okada-Clinton talks

ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
January 14, 2010

Hiroshi Ito, Akira Uchida in Honolulu

At the joint news conference held after their talks in Honolulu,
Hawaii on Jan. 12, the foreign ministers of Japan and the United
States both emphasized the importance of the bilateral alliance and
played up the amicable atmosphere. The two ministers also confirmed
that a solution on the issue of the relocation of the U.S. forces'
Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa) will be reached "by
May." If this deadline is not met, the Japan-U.S. relationship may
deteriorate further.

Giving consideration to relations with Japan

"This is an issue that we view as very important, but it is part of
our comprehensive partnership. We are working on a whole range of
global issues, and we will continue to do so."

At the joint news conference, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
emphasized that the Futenma issue is not the only issue in the
Japan-U.S. relationship. She mentioned climate change, the Iranian
and North Korean nuclear issues, and even the exchange of students,
doctors, and scientists to show that the bilateral relationship
covers a wide range of areas.

TOKYO 00000088 004 OF 015

Behind Clinton's effort to stress the broad scope of the Japan-U.S.
cooperative relationship is the growing concern in the U.S. about
the deterioration of relations with Japan.

Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye, a former assistant
secretary of defense, wrote in the Jan. 7 issue of The New York
Times: "Some people in Washington want to take a tough stance toward
the new administration in Japan, but that would be unwise." He asked
the U.S. government to be patient in negotiating the Futenma issue.
Other major U.S. papers are increasingly arguing that "a specific
issue like Futenma should not be allowed to aggravate relations with
Japan."

At the news conference, Clinton said: "We know there is a lot of
concern within the coalition government," showing her consideration
for the Hatoyama administration. However, there is also a "deadline"
for such consideration. Clinton also stated at the news conference:
"We want to have a decision by May." While showing her understanding
of the Japanese government's plan to reach a decision by May, she
also reminded Japan that the U.S. government regards May as the
deadline.

The U.S. government's position that the current relocation is the
best option remains unchanged. U.S. House of Representatives member
Madeleine Bordallo, Armed Services Committee Chairman Ike Skelton,
and four other House members sent a letter to Prime Minister Yukio
Hatoyama on Jan. 7, demanding a solution to the Futenma issue based
on the current relocation plan and the implementation of the
relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam as planned. If the
Hatoyama administration fails to meet the May "deadline," it is
possible that the U.S. Congress may move to freeze the budget for
U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment.

Kantei takes initiative to look for solution

With regard to the May "deadline," Okada stated unequivocally at his
news conference for the Japanese media: "If the prime minister and
the foreign minister fail to do what they said they would do, they
will lose credibility in human society."

Okada had tried to work for a solution to the Futenma issue within
2009. Since a meeting with Clinton, which he had been strongly
hoping for since last autumn, had finally been realized, he needed
to reassure the U.S. side. At the meeting, he conveyed the Japanese
government's determination on the May "deadline," telling Clinton
"this is a promise from Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama."

The Hatoyama cabinet has begun to look for a solution to the Futenma
issue under the initiative of the Prime Minister's Official
Residence (Kantei). The three ruling coalition parties, the
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the Social Democratic Party, and
the People's New Party will submit their proposals on the relocation
site to the "committee for the examination of Okinawa base issues"
before the end of January. Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano,
who chairs the committee, said at a news conference on Jan. 13, "I
would like to think of a mechanism to facilitate the transmission of
information to the Kantei," demonstrating his strong motivation.

In the foreign ministerial meeting, it was also agreed that a joint
statement would be issued by the Japanese and U.S. cabinet ministers
in charge of foreign affairs and defense on Jan. 19, which marks the
50th anniversary of the signing of the revised Japan-U.S. security

TOKYO 00000088 005 OF 015

treaty. Okada, who had once expressed strong concern that the
Japan-U.S. relationship was "being shaken," expressed his relief by
saying: "I feel like the prospects are a little brighter now."

However, in reality, the Futenma issue has merely been "shelved."
DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa has expressed a negative view on
the current plan to relocate the Futenma base to Henoko in Nago
City, which the U.S. side regards as the "best option." Hatoyama has
also ordered a search for a relocation site "other than Henoko."
There is a persistent opinion in the ruling parties that it would be
difficult to implement the current plan.

Okada also indicated his intention to draft a new declaration to
replace the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security signed by
Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto and U.S. President Bill Clinton.
However, the Futenma issue is closely linked to USFJ realignment
plans affecting other bases. If this issue remains unresolved, it
will be difficult to proceed with discussions on concrete issues of
security. It is unclear whether the talks to deepen the Japan-U.S.
alliance that were launched in effect at the Okada-Clinton talks,
will lead to a new security declaration.

(4) PNP policy chief Shimoji tours Misawa base in search for
alternative Futenma relocation site

OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full)
January 14, 2010

Tokyo - Mikio Shimoji, chief policy officer of the People's New
Party (PNP), and others toured the Misawa base (in Aomori
Prefecture) on Jan. 13 for the purpose of studying alternative
relocation sites for the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station. As an
alternative Futenma relocation plan, Shimoji has proposed the
transfer of F-15 fighter exercises on Kadena Air Base (KAB) to
Misawa to make way for integrating Futenma with KAB.

Major General Hiroaki Maehara, commander of the Third Air Wing at
the Air Self-Defense Force's Misawa base, told the group that 40,000
takeoff and landing exercises are conducted each year at the
3,000-meter runway jointly used with the U.S. forces. Two percent of
the military base, measuring 1,600 square meters, is used
exclusively by the Self-Defense Forces, 69 percent is used by the
U.S. forces, and 29 percent is used jointly.

After the tour, Shimoji said: "The KAB integration plan has to come
in a package with the transfer of exercises out of Okinawa. If
40,000 exercises take place in Misawa each year, it might be
possible to add another 20,000. My feeling is that it might be
possible to use this base in terms of its size among other factors."
Shimoji and his group plan to visit the U.S. Marine base in Iwakuni
(Yamaguchi Prefecture), the U.S. naval base in Sasebo (Nagasaki
Prefecture), and the Maritime Self-Defense Force base in Omura
(Nagasaki) on Jan. 14.

(5) Futenma relocation and Hatoyama administration: Change in Chief
Cabinet Secretary Hirano's attitude toward Futenma issue and
eagerness to reach settlement

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full)
January 12, 2010

While walking around a residential district in Ginowan City in the

TOKYO 00000088 006 OF 015

early afternoon on Jan. 9, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano
asked a passerby there: "How's the noise around here?" In order to
learn more about the actual situation in areas surrounding the U.S.
Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, Hirano viewed the Futenma base
from the rooftop of an elementary school adjacent to the base,
looked over a fence at the base, and checked soundproofed housing.

During his tour, Hirano expressed his eagerness to resolve the
issue, saying, "I want to observe with my own eyes what the
situation in Okinawa is really like." He initially had little
interest in the relocation issue and did not actively involve
himself in it even though the issue became top priority for the
Hatoyama administration.

Chief cabinet secretaries in the past have been fairly actively
engaged in Okinawa affairs. The Futenma Airfield Relocation Measures
Council, set up by a former government, was co-chaired by the state
minister for Okinawa affairs and defense minister at first, but it
was later used for a turf battle. Then Chief Cabinet Secretary
Nobutaka Machimura put an end to the turf battle and took control of
the council. As a result, Hirano was reportedly told that chief
cabinet secretary has the key role in connection with the Futenma
issue, which involves the foreign and defense ministers and state
minister for Okinawa promotion, but he jokingly replied, "If so, I
want it returned to how it used to be." A government official said,
"He seemed to be backing away from the issue." In mid-December,
however, he appeared to change his position.

Hirano's aide explained the reason behind his change: "In connection
with the coalition government, he had to bear responsibility."
Another aide said, "He became the chair of the government's
committee to study Okinawa base issues."

The Futenma issue, which has become an internal problem rather than
a diplomatic one, is now being dealt with by the three ruling
parties, exceeding the domain of the foreign and defense ministers.
As a result, Hirano had no choice but to play the key role.

In a meeting on Jan. 4 with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at a Tokyo
hotel, Hirano said, "Because the committee will make a decision on
the matter, let me handle it. If I fail, I will take the
consequences."

On the morning of Jan. 9, Hirano held a meeting with Gov. Hirokazu
Nakaima of Okinawa Prefecture on his first visit to the prefecture
since assuming his current post. In the meeting, he said, "We may
have to ask for your decision." His remark could be taken to mean
that if a decision is made to relocate the Futenma base within
Okinawa, the governor should accept it. Nakaima could only say, "I'm
afraid to say yes to that.'"

A government source said, "Mr. Hirano does not have any alternative
site in mind. However, he believes there is no other option but to
relocate Futenma to somewhere in Okinawa other than Henoko." The
source explained the reason: "Because (Secretary General) that's
what Ichiro Ozawa, the chief executive, thinks."

Hirano stressed: "(The government) will go back to square one in
looking for a relocation site." Nakaima said after the meeting, "I
had believed that Futenma would be moved out of the prefecture. I
wonder what his real view is." A senior Okinawa government official
also made this comment: "We welcome his enthusiasm on the issue, but

TOKYO 00000088 007 OF 015

we don't want the base to be relocated within the prefecture,"
expressing strong concern about what decision the government will
make.

On the morning of Jan. 11 Hirano reported to Hatoyama on his Okinawa
tour. "Thank you for trouble," said Hatoyama. Hirano, who was able
to confirm his beliefs, told the prime minister: "This is the
starting point."

(6) "Ronten" column: Stationing of U.S. forces in Japan: "Security
alliance without permanent stationing of troops" is an illusion

YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full)
January 13, 2010

Takakazu Kuriyama, former ambassador to the United States

It is a well-known fact that a "security alliance without the
permanent stationing of troops" is a pet theory of Prime Minister
Yukio Hatoyama. He recently announced that he is shelving this
theory, which is the proper thing to do as the prime minister, who
is responsible for national security. Yet, looking at how the Prime
Minister is handling the issue of the relocation of the Futenma Air
Station, one cannot help thinking that he still sticks to his pet
theory. Furthermore, if the U.S. government is indeed beginning to
lose trust in the Hatoyama administration, as described in media
reports, this is probably because the U.S. suspects that the
administration aims at realizing a "security alliance without the
permanent stationing of troops."

The advocates of a "security alliance without the permanent
stationing of troops" (or "security alliance with the stationing of
troops only in a contingency") think that the stationing of foreign
troops in Japan is abnormal and is a remnant of the Cold War even
today, 20 years after it ended. However, this is an argument based
on a completely mistaken perception of reality. At present, 75,000
U.S. forces are stationed in Europe under the NATO framework,
according to The Military Balance 2009, 55,000 of which are deployed
in Germany. In addition, 22,000 British troops are also stationed in
Germany. Even in Europe, where after the end of the Cold War the
security environment is much more stable than that in East Asia,
such a level of U.S. forces deployment is accepted as a reasonable
cost for protection under the U.S. military umbrella (relying on
U.S. extended deterrence, including nuclear arms). The problem with
the base issues in Okinawa lies not in the presence of U.S. troops
per se, but in the overconcentration of military bases.

For sure, under an "alliance with the stationing of troops only in a
contingency," the burden on the local communities close to the bases
(noise, accidents, peace and order issues, etc.) will indeed be
reduced significantly. However, airfields and barracks, as well as
communication, supply, and storage facilities, will have to be
maintained even during peacetime in order to ensure the rapid and
effective redeployment of U.S. forces in a contingency. Most of the
military bases in use right now would not be returned. Furthermore,
if the presence of the Seventh Fleet is deemed necessary in the West
Pacific, the naval bases in Yokosuka and Sasebo would have to be
provided for the continued use of U.S. forces.

Apart from the hardware requirements for a "security alliance
without the permanent stationing of troops," there are more basic
problems with this concept. First, it is doubtful if the U.S. forces

TOKYO 00000088 008 OF 015

that have been withdrawn can return in a timely manner when they are
needed by Japan. It is common sense in international politics that
no matter how close a bilateral relationship is, an alliance
relationship should not be taken for granted. This is precisely the
reason for the presence of U.S. forces in Europe.

Second, what is the perception of this issue from the U.S.
standpoint? If Japan and the U.S. can be expected to agree
completely at all times on the military response needed from the
U.S. during a contingency in East Asia, there will not be any
serious problem. However, if that is not the case, there is no
guarantee that the U.S. forces can obtain the Japanese government's
approval even if they should want to redeploy in Japan (e.g.
Okinawa). Such an unpredictable situation is absolutely unacceptable
to the U.S.

Pursuing a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of
troops," which is untenable without absolute mutual trust between
Japan and the U.S., amounts to pursuing an illusion. It is an
unrealistic and irresponsible policy.

(7) My viewpoint column: ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea
should form core of East Asian Community

ASAHI (Page 17) (Full)
January 13, 2010

By Ling Xingguang, executive director of Japan-China Science,
Technology and Culture Center

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's initiative for an East Asia
Community was enthusiastically welcomed by Southeast Asia and China.
However, since its contents are unclear, the enthusiasm is cooling
off. What is important is how to envision a regional framework for
the proposed community. The initiative will remain unrealized if the
prime minister avoids facing this essential issue.

In my view, an ASEAN plus 3 framework - the 10 ASEAN members, Japan,
China and South Korea - should be proactively promoted from the
viewpoint of Japan's national interest and the building of a new
East Asian model.

The new East Asian model is a sophisticated and globalized version
of the East Asian model created by Japan.

Japan has created a new model combining the planned nature of a
controlled economy and a market mechanism in the postwar period. In
other words, the new model is a government-led market economy. The
government played a significant role in mapping out a guideline-like
long-term plan and in drawing up industrial policies and social
security policies. Unlike a controlled economy, the (government-led)
management of the economy was based on market principles.

Japan's model for success was adopted by Taiwan, South Korea, and
Singapore. The Japanese model was also adopted by ASEAN and China
after its reform and opening up. This was highly evaluated by the
international community as the miracle of East Asia. However, when
U.S.-style neoliberalism swept through the world in the second half
of the 1990's, questions were raised about whether the Japanese
style, which succeeded in one country, was really effective. It was
also viewed as outmoded in Japan. China was influenced by
neoliberalism. However, it has basically acceded to the East Asia

TOKYO 00000088 009 OF 015

model that originated in Japan.

Ideally, Japan should have created a new East Asia model, by
exploring ways to sophisticate and internationalize the East Asia
model. The new East Asia mode is an international cooperation-type
market economy. Under the model, an organization that promotes
international cooperation in place of the government would formulate
a transnational infrastructure development plan, industrial
policies, and environmental measures. It would then give
opportunities to the economic entities of each country to take part,
based on market principles. Importance would be attached not only to
the liberalization of trade and investment but also to economic
cooperation and assistance to least developed nations, diminishing
disparities within the region and between the south and the north.

This Asian-type standard would receive international recognition and
spread throughout the world. Japan would have to give in to China in
terms of quantitative superiority. However, it would maintain
qualitative superiority for the next 30 years or 50 years. Some say
that ASEAN plus 3 would serve as a setting for China to seek
hegemony. However, China lacks experience and intelligence. It still
needs Japan.

The recent financial crisis has revealed that U.S.-led Washington
consensus is faulty. This is an opportunity for ASEAN plus 3, with
the economic basis of the East Asia model, to build a new East Asia
model. If Japan takes an ambiguous stance in which it appears to be
rejecting this framework, it will miss out on a strategic
opportunity. I hope that the Hatoyama administration will make a
clear decision.

(8) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties

YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full)
January 11, 2010

Questions & Answers
(Figures are percentages)

Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet?

Yes 56
No 34
Other answers (O/A) 5
No answer (N/A) 6

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question)
Pick only one from among the following reasons for your approval of
the Hatoyama cabinet.

Something can be expected of its policy measures 23
The prime minister is aiming to make policy decisions at the
initiative of politicians 21
The prime minister has leadership ability 2
There's something stable about the prime minister 3
His cabinet's lineup is good 8
Because it's a non-Liberal Democratic Party government 39
O/A 0
N/A 4

Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) Pick
only one from among the following reasons for your disapproval of

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the Hatoyama cabinet.

Nothing can be expected of its policy measures 22
Nothing can be expected of its policy decisions made at the
initiative of politicians 12
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 39
There's nothing stable about the prime minister 13
His cabinet's lineup is not good 5
Because it's a non-Liberal Democratic Party government 5
O/A 2
N/A 2

Q: Which political party do you support now? Pick only one.

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 16
New Komeito (NK) 3
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0
Other political parties 0
None 35
N/A 2

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet is a tripartite coalition government of the
DPJ, SDP, and PNP. Do you approve of this combination of political
parties?

Yes 25
No 54
N/A 10

Q: Finance Minister Fujii has resigned and Deputy Prime Minister
Naoto Kan has become his successor. Do you think this will have a
positive or negative impact on the Hatoyama cabinet in running the
government?

Yes 47
No 33
N/A 21

Q: Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama has displayed leadership in
running the government so far?

Yes 18
No 73
N/A 8

Q: Who do you think is the most influential political leader in the
government and ruling parties?

Prime Minister Hatoyama 10
Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Naoto Kan 6
DPJ Secretary General Ozawa 68
SDP President Fukushima 4
PNP President Kamei 4
Others 0
N/A 8

TOKYO 00000088 011 OF 015

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet has decided to abolish provisional gasoline
surcharges but will instead introduce a system to maintain tax rates
at the same level. Do you approve of this plan?

Yes 41
No 46
N/A 12

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will raise the tobacco tax by about 5 yen
per cigarette. Do you approve of this plan?

Yes 69
No 27
N/A 4

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will not set an income limit for child
allowances. Do you approve of this plan?

Yes 34
No 61
N/A 6

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will issue government bonds for an all-time
high of about 44 trillion yen, which is in excess of the estimated
amount of tax revenues. Do you think this is unavoidable?

Yes 44
No 50
N/A 6

Q: Do you think the U.S. military's Futenma airfield in Okinawa
Prefecture should be relocated in accordance with the agreement
between Japan and the U.S., or do you think it should be moved out
of Okinawa Prefecture or out of Japan?

In accordance with the agreement 44
Out of Okinawa Prefecture 13
Out of Japan 30
N/A 14

Q: A former secretary of Prime Minister Hatoyama has been prosecuted
for falsifying reports on political donations, and Mr. Hatoyama will
stay on as prime minister. Do you approve of this?

Yes 52
No 40
N/A 8

Q: Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama has provided a sufficient
explanation on his own politics-and-money problems?

Yes 17
No 76
N/A 6

Q: Do you think DPJ Secretary General Ozawa has provided a
sufficient explanation on his own politics-and-money problems about
his fund-managing body?

Yes 5
No 91
N/A 5

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Q: There will be an election this summer for the House of
Councillors. Which political party's candidate or which political
party are you going to vote for?

DPJ 35
LDP 20
NK 3
JCP 3
SDP 1
YP 2
PNP 0
RC 0
NPN 0
Other political parties 0
Undecided 31
N/A 5

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 8-10 across the
nation on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis.
Households with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,777. Valid
answers were obtained from 1,112 persons (63 PERCENT ).

(Note) In some cases, the total percentage does not add up to 100
PERCENT due to rounding. 0 indicates that the figure was less than
0.5.

(9) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
January 12, 2010

Questions & Answers
(Figures are percentages. Parentheses denote the results of the last
survey conducted Dec. 25-26 last year.)

Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet?

Yes 50.8 (47.2)
No 33.2 (38.1)
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 16.0 (14.7)

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) What
is the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet?
Pick only one from among those listed below.

The prime minister is trustworthy 6.5 (11.3)
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan,
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 11.7 (7.5)
The prime minister has leadership ability 0.5 (0.6)
Something can be expected of its economic policies 10.8 (7.6)
Something can be expected of its foreign policy 0.8 (1.3)
Something can be expected of its political reforms 24.6 (22.0)
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.5 (5.3)
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 13.9 (17.1)
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 25.5
(25.6)
Other answers (O/A) 0.0 (0.3)
D/K+N/A 2.2 (1.4)

Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What is
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet?

TOKYO 00000088 013 OF 015

Pick only one from among those listed below.

The prime minister is untrustworthy 14.1 (16.5)
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan,
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 11.3 (12.4)
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 22.1 (24.1)
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 28.0 (20.4)
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy 5.1 (8.2)
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 6.8 (5.3)
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 4.7 (6.4)
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 1.7 (1.6)
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 3.3 (4.0)
O/A 1.4 (0.1)
D/K+N/A 1.5 (1.0)

Q: Which political party do you support?

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 38.7 (36.1)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 17.3 (23.7)
New Komeito (NK) 3.4 (1.9)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.9 (1.3)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 3.0 (1.8)
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2.7 (1.7)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.1 (1.1)
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.4 (0.6)
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---)
None 30.6 (30.5)
D/K+N/A 0.8 (1.3)

Q: DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa's fund-managing body
appropriated more than 400 million yen for such purposes as
purchasing land in 2004. This transaction, however, was not
described in its report on political funds for that year. Do you
think Mr. Ozawa has provided a sufficient explanation on his own
politics-and-money problems?

Yes 0.9
Yes to a certain extent 7.7
Not very much 29.5
No 55.9
D/K+N/A 6.0

Q: What do you think Mr. Ozawa should do if his former secretary or
someone else involved is prosecuted over this unreported political
fund appropriation?

He should resign from his Diet membership to take responsibility
25.3
He should resign from his DPJ secretary general post to take
responsibility 35.1
He only needs to provide a sufficient explanation and take steps to
improve the situation 34.6
D/K+N/A 5.0

Q: Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii resigned from his cabinet post
right after compiling the budget for fiscal 2010. It was right
before the opening of the Diet session. Do you think this will
affect Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama in running the government?

Yes 21.8
Yes to a certain extent 45.4

TOKYO 00000088 014 OF 015

Not very much 16.9
No 9.8
D/K+N/A 6.1

Q: Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan has become finance minister as
Mr. Fujii's successor. Do you have high expectations for Finance
Minister Kan?

Yes 28.9
Yes to a certain extent 30.1
Not very much 23.4
No 11.8
D/K+N/A 5.8

Q: What would you like Finance Minister Kan to do first thing?

Economic stimulus, job security measures 32.4
Fiscal turnaround 13.1
Elimination of wasteful spending 29.5
Finance Ministry reform, breakaway from bureaucratic control 9.5
Drastic tax reforms, such as consumption tax hike 9.6
High-yen countermeasures 1.4
O/A ---
D/K+N/A 4.5

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted across the nation on
Jan. 10-11 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers,
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters
totaled 1,477. Answers were obtained from 1031 persons.

(10) Child abduction and international divorce (Part 3): Sole
custody system continues to produce tragedies in Japan; disruption
of ties to son leads to suicide

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 26) (Full)
January 12, 2010

One morning, the 32-year-old son of Aiko Nakanishi, 58, of Inzai
City, Chiba Prefecture, did not get up. Nakanishi went to his room
to wake him only to find his dead body lying there.

There were several suicide notes addressed to his parents and
others. On the back of a picture of his three-year-old son, there
was also a scrawled message reading "Listen to what your mother says
and grow up to be a respectable man."

Nakanishi's son, who was a university researcher, had decided to
divorce his wife after he found out she was having an affair. He had
been living separately from his wife for two months before he killed
himself in July 2007. He was engaged in a fierce battle with his
wife over who should raise their only son.

"In Japan, where the mother usually takes care of the child, it is
difficult for the father to win the custody of the child."
Nakanishi's son was agonizing over the custody of his son, while
checking for information on groups of parents who have been
separated from their children after divorce.

"He should have sought the custody of his son in court," Nakanishi
said. "He shouldn't have killed himself." To comfort his son,

TOKYO 00000088 015 OF 015

Nakanishi had said to him, "You can have more children if you
remarry." She now regrets making that remark.

In Japan where sole custody is granted to one parent after divorce,
there have been many cases in which the other parent without custody
was not allowed to take part in childrearing.

There are an increasing number of parents who are seeking chances to
see their children regularly even after divorce with the aim of
keeping the bond between parent and child alive. But there is no
such system in Japan. The frequency and extent of visitations are
left to talks between parents and court decisions.

Fumi Ueno, 50, of Kunitachi City, Tokyo, divorced her husband 11
years ago because of his violence. A family court arbitrator awarded
the custody of her four-year-old son to her ex-husband, saying he
was more financially capable of raising the child.

Since then Ueno has not been able to see her son. Last fall she
learned of the destination of the school excursion of her son, now a
high school student, and headed for the destination in the hope of
catching a glimpse of her son. Spotting her son right away at the
destination, she cautiously took pictures of him with her camera
phone.

"Will he accept me again?" Ueno later filed a request with the
family court for arbitration in seeking visitation rights with her
son.

Steve Christie, 53, a visiting university professor in Tokyo, has a
son with his Japanese ex-wife. He has not been able to see his son
freely. Their marriage deteriorated four years ago. His ex-wife
disappeared with their son, a fifth grader at the time.

Because his ex-wife falsely reported to the police about her
"abusive husband," Christie was not able to grasp his son's
whereabouts for three years. Although he knows his son's whereabouts
now, his ex-wife is reluctant to let him see his son. "It's absurd.
He is still my son," Christie said angrily.

In the United States, it is common practice for both parents to be
involved in raising their children even after divorce. Things are
different in Japan. "If the divorce had been granted in the United
States, I would have custody of my son," Christie said regretfully.

Japan should look for ways to establish a system that allows both
parents to take part in raising their children even after they are
divorced. Parental roles do not end with divorce.

ZUMWALT

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