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Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 10/06/09

Published: Tue 6 Oct 2009 06:31 AM
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DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/06/09
INDEX:
(1) Poll of DPJ lawmakers (Tokyo Shimbun)
(2) Editorial: Hatoyama's political funds donation scandal; Premier
urged to give explanations before investigation (Asahi)
(3) Interview with Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano - My role
is to have political leadership percolate through the bureaucracy
(Yomiuri)
(4) Editorial: Rapprochement between China, North Korea - Japan
should persist with policy of pressure (Sankei)
(5) Interview with former U.S. Ambassador Baker: Japan-U.S.
relationship remains unchanged after advent of Hatoyama
administration (Nikkei)
(6) Internal Affairs Minister plans to set up Japanese version of
U.S. Federal Communications Commission to oversee communications,
broadcasting (Asahi)
(7) Budget-compilation procedure (Nikkei)
ARTICLES:
(1) Poll of DPJ lawmakers
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
October 5, 2009
Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage)
Q: The Hatoyama government started as a tripartite coalition of the
Democratic Party of Japan, the Social Democratic Party, and the
People's New Party. In the future, what do you think is the
desirable framework of government?
Maintain the current tripartite coalition of the Democratic Party of
Japan, the Social Democratic Party, and the People's New Party 72.4
The DPJ's single-party government 25.7
A coalition of the DPJ and New Komeito 0.0
A coalition of the DPJ and some of the Liberal Democratic Party 0.0
An DPJ-LDP grand coalition 0.0
Other answers (O/A) 1.4
No answer (N/A) 0.5
Q: What do you think about sending the Self-Defense Forces overseas
as Japan's international contribution?
Japan should send the SDF for proactive participation in
multinational forces (including rear support) 12.4
Japan should go no further than to use the SDF in United Nations
peacekeeping operations 58.1
Japan should go no further than to use the SDF in humanitarian
assistance activities 15.2
Japan should not send the SDF overseas 1.0
O/A 10.5
N/A 2.9
Q: The government, in its constitutional interpretation, has taken
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the position that Japan is not allowed to participate in collective
self-defense. What do you think about this?
The Constitution should be amended so Japan can participate in
collective self-defense 4.3
The government's constitutional interpretation should be reviewed so
Japan can participate in collective self-defense to the extent
possible 15.2
The government's conventional interpretation is satisfactory 53.3
O/A 23.3
N/A 3.8
Q: What do you think about the DPJ's policy of providing a child
allowance handout?
Provide a handout of 26,000 yen per child as planned (13,000 yen for
next fiscal year) 91.4
Provide a child allowance handout according to each household's
income or reduce the amount of the handout 8.1
N/A 0.5
Q: The DPJ has set forth its policy of reviewing large-scale public
works. Do you think the public works in your constituency should be
reviewed?
There's no need to review 23.8
There's a need to review 65.7
N/A 10.5
Q: The DPJ, in its manifesto, says it will make the nation's
expressways toll-free in principle. Do you approve of toll-free
expressways in your electoral district or proportional
representation bloc?
Yes 85.7
No 3.8
N/A 10.5
Q: The DPJ says Japan should become a state with sovereignty
residing in its regions as a sort of decentralization. What do you
think the DPJ should pursue on a priority basis to that end?
Transfer state authority to local governments 61.4
Expand the scope of ways and means for local tax revenues, such as a
local consumption tax 16.7
Set up a law-based consultative body for the central and local
governments 12.9
Study a regional system 2.4
N/A 6.7
Q: How do you think the DPJ should advance its agricultural income
indemnity policy for farmers?
Consider uniform indemnity for all farmers, including small-scale
and part-time farm households 50.0
Add incentives according to scale and quality from the perspective
of improving agricultural competitiveness 37.1
N/A 12.9
(Note) Total percentages are not necessarily 100 PERCENT , due to
rounding.
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Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Sept. 16-18. For the
survey, a questionnaire form was distributed to 308 DPJ lawmakers
elected in the Aug. 30 election for the House of Representatives at
the Diet members' office building in Tokyo. The survey was intended
to probe their policy thinking that cannot be gleaned from their
party's manifesto alone. Answers were faxed from 210 persons (68.2
PERCENT ) by Oct. 4. The DPJ has a total of 143 newly elected
lawmakers. Among them, 118 (82.5 PERCENT ) responded to the survey.
A total of 44 DPJ lawmakers are in prime ministerial, cabinet
ministerial, senior vice ministerial, chief cabinet secretarial, or
parliamentary secretarial posts. Among them, 10 persons responded.
(2) Editorial: Hatoyama's political funds donation scandal; Premier
urged to give explanations before investigation
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
October 6, 2009
It has been found that the political fund report of Prime Minister
Hatoyama's fund management body listed portions of donations as
coming from deceased persons or persons who in fact did not made
such donations. In this connection, the Tokyo District Public
Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department has started
questioning concerned people as reference witnesses.
In July a Tokyo organization accused three persons -- Hatoyama and
the fund management body's accountants - of violation of the
Political Funds Control Law. Public prosecutors have launched a
full-scale investigation, probably because the general election is
now over and the new administration has gotten under way.
At a press conference in June the prime minister acknowledged that
there were 192 misstatements concerning political donations worth
21.778 million yen over four years between 2005 and 2008 and
corrected the report. Hatoyama dismissed his secretary, who had been
responsible for the organization's accounting and on his own
collected large amounts of political donations from individuals.
However, a doubt remains about this account. The prime minister had
explained that there was no targeted amount set for the collection
of donations by individuals. He said that the secretary wanted to
make donations from individuals appear larger than the actual
amount. However, given the fact that Hatoyama received more
political donations from individuals than any other politicians, why
was it necessary for his secretary to make that amount appear even
larger?
The prime minister had indicated his intention also to continue the
investigation into whether there were similar irregularities
concerning donations smaller than 50,000 yen, which do not require
the entries of donors' names. It has been three months since he made
this statement. However, there have been no new reports presented
yet.
Concerning the prime minister's political funds, it has been found
recently that a political organization related to him had been
renting his mother's building situated in Muroran City, Hokkaido,
for 100,000 yen a month, which is said to be less than one-fifth of
the market price. Since the difference from the market price is
tantamount to a donation, it has to be mentioned in the political
fund report. However, the prime minister is continuing his stance
that the rent was at the appropriate level.
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The Hatoyama family is one of the richest among politicians. It is
viewed that the sources of the false donations are Hatoyama's own
money. However, there might have been cases in which his family's
money was used. It is certain that the nature of the false
statements on political donations is different from shady donations
made by companies and organizations in anticipation of the exercise
of influence-peddling by politicians. However, it is clearly in
violation of the law to falsely report political donations
received.
If the family's budget and political funds are handled without a
proper bookkeeping system, that is far too sloppy for a politician
who became prime minister.
Opposition parties, such as the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), are
expected to harshly pursue Hatoyama over this issue in the
extraordinary Diet session to be convened as early as the end of the
month. It is not desirable for the matter to remain as a black mark
on the administration on which many have pinned their hopes for new
politics.
The prime minister yesterday told reporters, "I must refrain from
making any comments that could have an impact on the investigation."
However, he should proactively fulfill his accountability, instead
of keeping mum about the issue of the investigation. In the
meantime, we would like the special investigation squad of the Tokyo
Public Prosecutors Office to conduct a proper and fair
investigation, even though the target is the prime minister, and
reach a decision that can convince the people.
(3) Interview with Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano - My role
is to have political leadership percolate through the bureaucracy
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full)
October 3, 2009
-- What role is the chief cabinet secretary going to play in the
Hatoyama administration?
Hirano: Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister for National
Strategy Naoto Kan and State Minister for Administrative Reform
Yoshito Sengoku will play the main roles in coordinating policies.
My role is to ask (for cooperation) for the enactment of legislation
and budgets and to have political leadership percolate through the
bureaucracy in Kasumigaseki.
-- What legislation are you going to submit to the Diet in the next
ordinary session?
Hirano: We would like to give top priority to what must be done to
realize our manifesto (campaign pledges). We will focus only on key
legislation.
-- What about the bill to upgrade the National Strategic Office to
bureau status?
Hirano: Although a system authorized by law is desirable, (the
office) is effectively functioning at present. I think the
legislation can wait until the next regular Diet session.
-- Do you have any plan to make informal ministerial meetings
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public?
Hirano: No. Informal ministerial meetings are designed for
free-wheeling discussion. If they are made public, cabinet ministers
would not speak their minds. Then again, the decision-making process
must be transparent. A news conference is held at each ministry by
the three parliamentarians -- the minister, senior vice minister,
and parliamentary secretary.
-- The Decentralization and Reform Promotion Committee and the Doshu
(Regional Bloc) System Vision Council were established under the
previous administration of the Liberal Democratic Party and New
Komeito. (Is the DPJ administration) going to maintain them?
Hirano: Fundamentally we will abolish them and build new forums from
scratch.
-- How should the ruling parties involve themselves in the cabinet's
policies?
Hirano: We will discuss party affairs with the secretaries general
and Diet affairs with the chairpersons of the Diet affairs
committees. The chairperson of each Diet committee, directors, and
the three parliamentarians must also regularly exchange information.
It is also my role to pay close attention to ensuring this is done
smoothly. There might be some friction in running (the
administration), but there would be no disagreement over
essentials.
-- Can you set the direction for the planned relocation of the U.S.
Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station before President Barack Obama
visits Japan in November?
Hirano: Japan must have a comprehensive view of some sort when the
President visits Japan. The matter must be discussed among the
cabinet ministers concerned.
(4) Editorial: Rapprochement between China, North Korea - Japan
should persist with policy of pressure
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
October 6, 2009
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao visited North Korea, where he was greeted
by leader Kim Jong Il at the airport and held talks with him. In a
meeting with his North Korean counterpart Premier Kim Yong, Wen
promised to offer economic cooperation in an apparent attempt to
solicit a concession from the North on its nuclear development
program in return for the aid.
Kim Jong Il also expressed willingness in a meeting with a member of
the State Council of the People's Republic of China last month to
engage in "bilateral and multilateral talks." North Korea, which
once announced its intention to secede from the Six-Party Talks,
might sit down at the negotiating table again. Even so, there is no
guarantee that the North will immediately abandon its nuclear
weapons.
The international community has imposed additional sanctions on
North Korea based on a UN resolution against its second nuclear test
and ballistic missile launch. Under such a situation, China and
North Korea are strengthening their ties. Japan must pay close
TOKYO 00002321 006 OF 009
attention to their moves.
During his earlier visit to the U.S., Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama
called on state leaders to cooperate in resolving the North Korean
abduction and nuclear development issues. Meanwhile, in a meeting
with Chinese President Hu Jintao, Hatoyama proposed the
establishment of an East Asian Community designed to introduce new
economic cooperation and security frameworks in East Asia.
Now that China is aiming to assume hegemony in East Asia, it is
extremely dangerous for Japan to attempt to implement this
initiative. Given the nuclear threat of North Korea and China's arms
buildup, the Japan-U.S. alliance should be maintained as the
cornerstone of security in East Asia. Japan also should step up its
cooperation with the U.S. and South Korea in dealing with North
Korea.
Hatoyama is scheduled to meet South Korean President Lee Myung-Bak
on Oct. 9 and attend a summit meeting among Japan, China, and South
Korea on the 10th. Hatoyama should discuss measures to solve the
abduction and nuclear issues involving Japan and South Korea before
talking about the concept of an East Asian Community.
In the earlier regular Diet session held before the latest House of
Representatives election, a bill aimed at carrying out cargo
inspections on North Korean ships stipulated in a UN resolution
against the North was killed as the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)
boycotted the deliberations. It is an urgent task to enact this key
bill in the upcoming extraordinary diet session.
Former finance minister Shoichi Nakagawa, who chaired a group of
suprapartisan Diet members dealing with the abduction issue and
engaged in rescue activities for the abduction victims, passed away
recently. He was a politician who always took a tough stance toward
China and North Korea, so his death is extremely regrettable.
In a joint meeting on Oct. 4 in Tokyo of the National Association
for the Rescue of Japanese Kidnapped by North Korea and the
Association of the Families of Victims Kidnapped by North Korea,
many participants expressed regret over the death of Nakagawa. In
the meeting, the participants agreed on the view that pressure and
international cooperation will be necessary to prompt North Korea to
move toward resolving the abduction issue.
Hatoyama should keep this view in mind when he attends the upcoming
trilateral summit. The new government should also persist with the
Japanese government's policy up until now of placing pressure on
North Korea.
(5) Interview with former U.S. Ambassador Baker: Japan-U.S.
relationship remains unchanged after advent of Hatoyama
administration
NIKKEI (Page 6) (Full)
October 3, 2009
The Democratic Party of Japan administration of Prime Minister Yukio
Hatoyama has called for an equal Japan-U.S. relationship. An
increasing number of U.S. politicians view this slogan as a point of
concern for the future of the Japan-U.S. alliance. Nikkei
interviewed former Ambassador to Japan Howard Baker, a political
heavyweight who during the George H. Bush administration maintained
TOKYO 00002321 007 OF 009
and managed the Japan-U.S. relationship. He was asked his views.
-- We hear that a growing number of people in the U.S. have
expressed apprehension that the Japan-U.S. relationship might grow
weaker with the advent of the DPJ Hatoyama administration.
Baker: Frankly, in my view Japan-U.S. relations have not changed at
all. The current administration's basic policies are the same as the
previous administration's. When I was ambassador to Japan, I often
invited senior DPJ members, including Ichiro Ozawa, who is now
secretary general, to the Ambassador's Official Residence for
breakfast meetings. At such meetings, I keenly felt that the DPJ was
eager to introduce a two-party system as exists in the U.S.
I think that (once a politician-led political system takes root) the
bureaucracy will seldom be criticized as a problem. With the change
of president, government officials are replaced in the U.S. In
Britain, the structure of the bureaucracy is more permanent than in
the U.S. I think Japan may follow the U.S. model.
-- Did you give Mr. Ozawa advice regarding Japan-U.S. relations and
other issues?
Baker: I told him that there was no need for Japan to adopt the U.S.
system as a model. The two-party system is certainly functioning
effectively in the U.S., but is nevertheless still evolving. Japan
should aim to establish its own two-party system. The Japan-U.S.
alliance is the cornerstone of security in the Asia-Pacific region,
and it remains important even after the change of government.
-- Are you apprehensive that the Japan-U.S. relationship will weaken
during the DPJ administration?
Baker: I hear some say the relationship may weaken during the DPJ
administration, but there are no definite grounds for this view. My
current view is not greatly different from my thinking when I was
ambassador. Japan and the U.S. share numerous common interests, for
example, science and technology, and promoting trade. There are also
relations with Asian countries. The situation has changed over the
last 10 years. Today there are no thorny issues pending between
Japan and the U.S.
-- I heard you gave advice to U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos.
Baker: As Mr. Mansfield used to say, I told him that no relationship
is more important than the Japan-U.S. relationship. The Democratic
Party and the Republican Party share this view. I stressed this
point to him. Second, I told him to work as a team with State
Department officials and other government offices. Mr. Roos is close
to President Barack Obama. He fully recognizes the importance of
science and technology and the promotion of trade. He is also aware
of the significance of Japan-U.S. relations. He is not a so-called
big-name ambassador, but he will make a very good ambassador.
-- President Obama's popularity in the U.S. is declining. Do you
think the Republican Party will be able to regain power?
Baker: I think the Republican Party may win both houses in the
midterm elections and also win the gubernatorial elections. The
pattern in U.S. politics is that a big electoral victory by one
party is followed by a comeback victory in the next election by the
other party. President Obama is saddled with many problems. In
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addressing those problems, he could meet a backlash, and that might
negatively affect his election campaign.
(6) Internal Affairs Minister plans to set up Japanese version of
U.S. Federal Communications Commission to oversee communications,
broadcasting
ASAHI (Page 1) (Excerpts)
October 6, 2009
Harunori Murayama, Yasukazu Akada
Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications Kazuhiro Haraguchi
gave an exclusive interview to Asahi Shimbun on October 5, during
which he revealed for the first time detailed plans for establishing
the new "Communications and Broadcasting Commission" involved with
communications and broadcasting administration. The Ministry of
Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC) will regulate and oversee
the broadcasting companies through this body, and it will be tasked
with preventing unjust intervention in the contents of broadcast
programs. Haraguchi envisions this as a "bastion for protecting the
freedom of expression."
The creation of the Communications and Broadcasting Commission is
included in the "Policy Index" issued by the Democratic Party of
Japan (DPJ) before the general election. According to the "Policy
Index," this body is meant to resolve the contradiction in the
current system, under which broadcasters, which play the role of
watchdogs over state power, are supervised by state power.
Under the Liberal Democratic Party administration, moves to impose
new penalties emerged time and again during the debate on the
amendment of the Broadcasting Law in 2007. The MIC, which has the
power to grant broadcasting licenses, has also issued administrative
guidance on several occasions over problems with program contents.
In light of this history, Haraguchi indicated that there is a danger
that the intentions of the government may turn into pressure, and
that freedom of speech may be suppressed. Therefore, he emphasized
that the commission will essentially be a "commission independent
from the governing power," in order to eliminate the danger of
suppressing freedom of speech.
Specifically, the new body will be an organization similar to the
National Public Safety Commission, which oversees the National
Police Agency. It will be given legal authority and the power to
report to the MIC and demand corrective measures.
The U.S. Federal Communications Commission, which is highly
independent from the government, is a possible model. The DPJ's
"Policy Index" calls the new commission the Japanese version of the
FCC.
While the FCC has the power to regulate program contents, the new
body will leave them to the broadcasting industry's self-regulation
and self-discipline and will not intervene. At present, corrective
measures in cases of violation of human rights by broadcasters are
handled by the third-party organization Broadcast Ethics and Program
Improvement Organization (BPO) consisting of NHK and the commercial
broadcasters. This framework will continue to be upheld.
Members of the new body will be selected based on their political
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neutrality. A system of direct public election by the people will
also be considered.
The above basic ideas will serve as the basis of discussion for a
panel of experts to deliberate for about one year. Haraguchi plans
to submit the legislation on the creation of the new commission to
the regular Diet session in 2011.
Haraguchi asserted that "the freedom of broadcasting, the freedom of
expression, and the freedom of the press should be protected no
matter who is in power and what the political regime is." He added:
"What I have in mind is an organization that will monitor for
violations of freedom of speech by political power. We need a
mechanism to resist moves to place the powerful tool of opinion
under the control of the state."
(7) Budget-compilation procedure
(shaded portions indicate strong political involvement)
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full)
September 29, 2009
(1) Determination of basic policies
Determination of basic policies (Sept. 29)
(2) Budget compilation/examination
Budgetary requests (by Oct. 15)
(3) Adoption
(1) Determination of basic policies
Budgetary requests guidelines compiled
Budgetary requests approved
(2) Budget compilation/examination
Budgetary requests
Agreement on budget draft through negotiations
(3) Adoption
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