Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 09/28/09

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TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/28/09

INDEX:

(1) Editorial: Hatoyama-Obama meeting; Japan-U.S. alliance must
serve as cornerstone of the world (Asahi)

(2) Editorial: Japan-U.S. summit - Japan should present specific
vision of an equal alliance (Tokyo Shimbun)

(3) Defense minister to U.S. Ambassador: "Opinions in Okinawa should
be reflected in policymaking" (Okinawa Times)

(4) Ginowan, Nago mayor hopeful about PM Hatoyama's plan to study
Futenma's relocation out of Okinawa (Ryukyu Shimpo)

(5) Futenma a source of trouble for Japan, U.S.; Washington firm on
not renegotiating existing plan; Tokyo determined not to change its
thinking (Nikkei)

(6) Editorial: Interview with Defense Minister Kitazawa: Resolving
Futenma issue is "very heavy responsibility" (Yomiuri)

(7) Interview with foreign affairs commentator Yukio Okamoto -
Significance of Japan-U.S. alliance will not change (Nikkei)

(8) Editorial: Resolution on "world without nuclear weapons": Japan,
U.S. should take the lead in elimination of nuclear weapons
(Mainichi)

(9) Editorial: Nuclear weapons-free world - Move history with
international cooperation (Tokyo Shimbun)

(10) Editorial: Concern about U.S.'s new Myanmar policy (Nikkei)

(11) Sankei-FNN poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Sankei)

(12) Political Cartoon (Yomiuri)

ARTICLES:

(1) Editorial: Hatoyama-Obama meeting; Japan-U.S. alliance must
serve as cornerstone of the world

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
September 25, 2009

The top leaders of the Democratic administrations of two
transpacific countries have met for the first time. One took power
by calling for an end to over 50 years of the Liberal Democratic
Party administration and the other by advocating "change" after
eight years of the Bush administration.

"I'm very confident that not only will the Prime Minister succeed in
his efforts and his campaign commitments, but that this will give us
an opportunity to strengthen and renew the U.S.-Japan alliance,"
U.S. President Barack Obama said to reporters after his talks with
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.

Was Hatoyama's abridged essay that circulated in the United States
not anti-American? What does the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ)
idea of an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship" specifically mean? A
variety of concerns emerged in the United States ahead of (the

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Japan-U.S. summit meeting). Nevertheless, Obama offered warm words
of encouragement to Hatoyama.

Hatoyama reportedly explained Obama in their talks that the
Japan-U.S. alliance will continue to be the cornerstone of Japan's
foreign policy and Obama replied that they will have a long
association.

There are many concerns between Japan and the United States and
tough global issues. President Obama will be in office for at least
four years. The foundation of the Hatoyama administration is stable.
(President Obama's words) probably reflect his intention to take
time in addressing the issues one by one.

The first encounter between Obama and Hatoyama seems to represent a
historic connection. Obama's emphasis on reduction/elimination of
nuclear weapons, measures to curb global warming, and
dialogue-oriented multilateralism all resonate with the Hatoyama
administration's basic policy course.

In his address to the United Nations General Assembly, Hatoyama
listed five challenges Japan intends to take on in serving as a
"bridge" in the international community, such as climate change,
nuclear disarmament, and building an East Asian community. Hatoyama
announced them in an attempt to clarify Japan's future international
strategy, including its intention to continue to seek a permanent
seat on the United Nations Security Council.

During the Koizumi administration that boasted a "honeymoon-like
Japan-U.S. relationship," Japan sent Self-Defense Force troops to
Iraq in compliance with a request from a unilateralist President
Bush. The administration apparently put too much importance on the
United States, as seen in (then Prime Minister Koizumi's comment)
that "the better the Japan-U.S. relationship is, the more successful
relationships with other Asian countries will be."

There is no doubt that Prime Minister Hatoyama's intention was to
convey the message that Tokyo will end the pattern of Japan always
following the United States and move toward a relationship in which
Japan says has its own say and takes action proactively. We want to
see (the two leaders) create an image for a new Japan-U.S. alliance
that will advance world interests.

It must not be overlooked, however, that there are some pressing
issues that were not taken up at the talks. These issues include a
plan to terminate the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean and a
review of U.S. bases in Japan, including the planned relocation of
Futenma Air Station in Okinawa. Japan must determine its policy on
how to deal with these matters before President Obama visits Japan
in November.

If Tokyo takes a wrong step, it could cause a schism in Japan-U.S.
relations and might ignite criticism of the administration in
Japan.

There is a possibility that a change of government will bring about
a change of policy. Japan is about to see what happens naturally in
a democracy. How will Japan persuade the other side without
undermining trust? Hatoyama diplomacy is about to face that crucial
challenge.

(2) Editorial: Japan-U.S. summit - Japan should present specific

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vision of an equal alliance

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full)
September 25, 2009

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama met for the first time with U.S.
President Barack Obama. Although the meeting served as a first step
to build a relationship of trust between the two leaders, we cannot
see how Hatoyama will build an equal alliance. The Hatoyama
administration should come up with a specific vision before Obama
visits Japan in November.

The Japan-U.S. summit was held at the New York hotel where Obama was
staying. The two leaders reaffirmed that they will strengthen the
Japan-U.S. alliance relationship. They also agreed to closely
cooperate on such global issues as global-warming countermeasures,
the world economy, and nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation.

The framework for bilateral cooperation between Japan and the United
States under the leadership of Hatoyama and Obama, who were handed
the reins of political power by their people, was evident in the
summit meeting. This was commendable.

The atmosphere of the two leaders' meeting was friendly. Although it
lasted only 35 minutes, we dare say the prime minister got off to a
good start in diplomacy.

However, Hatoyama did not bring up his party's campaign pledge to
revise the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement in order to build a
close and equal bilateral alliance relationship. He also did not
refer to the realignment of USFJ and U.S. bases in Japan, with which
he has said he "is moving in the direction of reviewing."

Moreover, Hatoyama did not raise the Maritime Self-Defense Force's
refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, which his administration has
decided not to extend beyond its expiration in January.

Hatoyama places priority on building a relationship of trust. It is
understandable that both leaders wanted to avoid exchanging verbal
jabs at their first meeting. But sooner or later Hatoyama himself
will have to explain what Japan wants. Otherwise the Obama
administration will have trouble dealing with Japan.

In his meeting with Chinese President Hu Jintao, however, Hatoyama
made a more specific proposal--the creation of an East Asian
Community, his pet project. We were left with the impression of a
lack of balance in Hatoyama's diplomatic approaches to Washington
and Beijing.

Next year will mark the 65th anniversary of the end of the Pacific
War and the 50th anniversary of the revision of the Japan-U.S.
Security Treaty. That will be a good opportunity for Japan to
consider how Japan-U.S. relations, U.S. bases in Japan, and its
international contribution should ideally be in the future. We hope
that the two leaders will continue to exchange candid opinions on
bilateral issues.

Hatoyama should present aid measures that would serve as
alternatives to the refueling mission, as well as concrete steps to
reduce the burden of U.S. military bases on the residents of
Okinawa, which accounts for 75 PERCENT of the total land area used
by U.S. Forces in Japan. Such things would enable him to show the

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public a concrete image of an equal alliance.

Hatoyama will have to provide these by November, when Obama visits
Japan. The Prime Minister will have to display the power of his
imagination in diplomacy.

(3) Defense minister to U.S. Ambassador: "Opinions in Okinawa should
be reflected in policymaking"

Okinawa Times (page 3) (Full)
September 26, 2009

U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos met Defense Minister Toshimi
Kitazawa and other senior ministry officials yesterday to exchange
views on the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and other issues.
The Ambassador emphasized that he will cooperate in resolving
various pending issues, based on the roadmap for the agreements
reached between the U.S. and Japan. Kitazawa indicated his
willingness to reflect opinions presented by the Okinawa side in
policymaking.

According to Senior Vice Defense Minister Katsuya Shimba, who
attended the meeting, the Ambassador said, "(The two countries) have
produced results through a complicated process and with
compromises," but also added that he understood the Democratic Party
of Japan's call for reviewing the current realignment plans.

The Ambassador further said, "The U.S. will not unilaterally force
its views (on the other side)." That remark of the Ambassador's was
interpreted by Shimba as a reiteration of the necessity to deepen
discussion.

Kitazawa said: "The change of government is not something to fear.
We would like to make efforts so that the people inside and outside
the nation can feel safe," indicating his resolve to strengthen the
relationship of trust between Japan and the U.S.

Parliamentary Defense Secretary Akihisa Nagashima said: "The new
administration has no intention of overturning everything. We would
like to review (the agreements reached in) past negotiations to see
whether they were the best ones."

(4) Ginowan, Nago mayor hopeful about PM Hatoyama's plan to study
Futenma's relocation out of Okinawa

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 27) (Excerpts)
September 26, 2009

Ginowan Mayor Yoichi Iha and citizens' groups all welcomed Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama's announcement on reviewing the Futenma
relocation plan in the direction of relocating the base out of
Okinawa. They said that they hope this will be realized without
fail. Citizens of Nago City also expressed the opinion that
relocation out of Okinawa is a matter of course. Meanwhile, Nago
Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro maintained that he stands by his
proposals to revise the current plan. Proponents of Futenma's
relocation to Henoko criticized Hatoyama's position, claiming "this
will not lead to the consolidation and reduction of bases," while
some Ginowan citizens were concerned that, "It will be a problem if
this further prolongs the process (of removing the danger and
returning base land)."

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Ginowan City

Mayor Iha assessed Hatoyama's move positively, noting that, "This
statement must have been the result of his successful building of a
relationship of trust with the U.S. during his recent visit." He
expressed his support by saying: "It is of great significance that
the national government's policy and position has been articulated.
Since the danger (posed by the Futenma base) has not been dealt with
for 13 years after the decision to return the base was made, we
would like to see vigorous efforts toward relocation out of the
prefecture."

Nago City

Mayor Shimabukuro made the following comments: "Since the Prime
Minister was not clear about what he meant by the word 'base,' I am
not in a position to comment on this remark." He stressed that Nago
City stands by its position, stating: "Nago City's position on its
proposals to revise the current plan remains unchanged. I intend to
say this again at my meeting with the defense minister tomorrow."

(5) Futenma a source of trouble for Japan, U.S.; Washington firm on
not renegotiating existing plan; Tokyo determined not to change its
thinking

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
September 26, 2009

The Hatoyama administration's policy to move the U.S. Marine Corps'
Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan, Okinawa) out of the prefecture is
becoming a source of trouble for Japan and the United States. Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada, now
visiting the United States, reiterated their intention to review the
existing plan to relocate the air station to the coastal area of
Camp Schwab (in Nago). Meanwhile, the United States remains firm on
not renegotiating the deal (with Japan). A planned visit to Japan in
late October by Defense Secretary of State Robert Gates is likely to
serve as a turning point for the Futenma issue.

"We have no plan to change our basic thinking," Prime Minister
Hatoyama said on Sept. 24 to the press corps traveling with him,
while reiterating his plan to review the existing Futenma relocation
plan premised on moving it out of the prefecture.

Foreign Minister Okada, too, indicated on the same day that the
existing plan will take a lot of time and money, adding: "There are
other plans. We want to find out how the existing (relocation) plan
was arrived at."

The United States has also hardened its stance. Defense Minister
Toshimi Kitazawa held his first talks with U.S. Ambassador to Japan
John Roos at the Defense Ministry on Sept. 25. Ambassador Roos
pointed out that "although local views are important, the roadmap
for the realignment of U.S. forces (in Japan) and the talks held to
date carry great significance." Kitazawa responded that he is "aware
that what was agreed upon with the United States carries tremendous
significance." The talks went nowhere.

The government is expected to try to find a way out of the current
deadlock during Secretary Gates's visit to Japan in October.

After his meeting with Ambassador Roos on Sept. 25, Kitazawa visited

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Okinawa for the first time as defense minister and held talks with
Governor Hirokazu Nakaima and others. Nakaima revealed the
complexity of his feelings: "Moving (Futenma) out of the prefecture
or the country would be best, but if Nago accepts (the relocation
plan), I think a site within the prefecture could be one option."

(6) Editorial: Interview with Defense Minister Kitazawa: Resolving
Futenma issue is "very heavy responsibility"

YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full)
September 25, 2009

-- Do you have any intention of continuing the Maritime Self-Defense
Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean? If not, do you have
an alternative plan in mind?

Kitazawa: The law (endorsing the refueling mission) will expire next
January. If the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) sticks by its
campaign pledges (for the last House of Representatives election),
it will not prepare a new law for the mission. I do not mean,
however, we are making light of international contributions. At an
early date I would like to thoroughly discuss with relevant
ministers what Japan can do.

-- Are you going to review the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine
Corps Futenma Air Station?

Kitazawa: The fact that Japan and the U.S. agreed on the plan
carries weight. I think the U.S. has taken seriously the fact that
the new administration was launched as a result of the DPJ's winning
public support. Foreign Minister Okada has said that the government
will not simply extend the refueling mission, but I presume he is
aiming to discuss with the U.S. the refueling mission and issues
(related to U.S. bases) in Okinawa as a package.

-- What timetable do you have in mind?

Kitazawa: I would like to hear direct from the people of Okinawa
first. I want to reflect such opinions in policymaking of the
Hatoyama cabinet. Despite the fact that the relocation plan was
agreed on between Japan and the U.S., Okinawa's people are seeking
the transfer of the Futenma base outside the prefecture or the
country. They are calling for a base-free Okinawa. Their requests
are wide-ranging, so it is difficult to find some middle ground.
Resolution of this issue is a very heavy responsibility.

-- Is the Defense Ministry aiming to complete the review of the
National Defense Program Outline and the compilation of the next
midterm defense buildup program by the end of the year?

Kitazawa: I think there is no option to postpone these. We must
avoid a situation in which funds for the plans (in the programs) are
allocated in the budget before the government makes a definite
policy decision. We would like to do our best to come up with
well-written programs while also taking into consideration the
recommendations of the previous cabinet's blue-ribbon panel

-- What do you think about overseas dispatch of Self-Defense Force
troops?

Kitazawa: I experienced the disastrous aftermath of World War II, so
my personal view is that in principle armed troops should not be

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dispatched overseas. We must fully consider to what extent Japan can
contribute to the international community through UN peacekeeping
operations and other activities.

-- What do you think about the idea of deploying Ground Self-Defense
Force members to Yonaguni Island in Okinawa?

Kitazawa: I think it is improper to take a measure that would
provoke our neighbors while we are promoting collaboration with
Asian countries. Circumstances do not require the urgent dispatch of
troops to the island.

(7) Interview with foreign affairs commentator Yukio Okamoto -
Significance of Japan-U.S. alliance will not change

NIKKEI (Page 4) (Full)
September 28, 2009

The only option

-- What is your view of the overall foreign and security policies
taken by the administration led by the Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP)?

Okamoto: I have a quite positive view of them. There is no doubt
that the LDP administration's policy since 1955 that followed the
Yoshida Doctrine's objectives of light armament and the Japan-U.S.
alliance has brought prosperity and security to Japan. The signing
of the new security treaty with the United States in 1960 reflected
Japan's decision to become a member of the West. Japan has been safe
due to this legacy.

When the LDP administration became weakened, for instance during the
Miki cabinet, its interpretation of the security treaty was severely
challenged by the opposition bloc, but the Nakasone cabinet resisted
it and the Japan-U.S. alliance enjoyed a golden age during the
1980s. Ties between the two countries were also strong during the
Koizumi cabinet, but that was mainly due to Mr. Koizumi's skills.

The significance of the Japan-U.S. alliance will not change in the
future. Asia does not have the foundation for the collective
security system that exists in Europe. Constitutional restrictions
do not allow Japan to become a major military power, so armed
neutrality is not an option for Japan. There is no public support
for unarmed neutrality, either. Given the situation, the Japan-U.S.
alliance is the only option. Japan should continue to strengthen the
alliance.

-- What about the LDP administration's policy on Asia?

Okamoto: Japan has border issues with its neighboring countries and
regions, specifically with China, South Korea, Russia, and Taiwan.
Japan has not properly settled wars with its neighboring countries,
especially China and South Korea. Disputes in Japan have prevented
the country from resolving the debates fully. Disputes continued in
Japan even after the Murayama statement was issued. There is also
the issue of whether other countries have the flexibility to accept
(the Murayama statement). In any case, it is important for Japan to
adhere to the Murayama statement.

When Japan sought a permanent seat on the United Nations Security
Council, only Bhutan, the Republic of Maldives, and Afghanistan in

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Asia cosponsored it. No other countries joined the effort. Japan's
lack of friends in its vicinity is serious.

Interpretation can be changed

-- On the option of international contributions, consistency with
the Constitution has become an issue.

Okamoto: I do not think the Constitution must be amended.
Nevertheless, if the four scenarios presented by Mr. (Shinzo) Abe's
council regarding the right of collective self-defense were found to
be constitutional, many problems would be resolved in reality. It is
truly regrettable that Mr. Fukuda and Mr. Aso who came after him did
not pursue the matter. The prime minister has the power to change
the Cabinet Legislation Bureau's interpretation of the
Constitution.

-- Will the Japan-U.S. alliance be alright with the Democratic Party
of Japan (DPJ) administration?

Okamoto: It was good that the Hatoyama-Obama meeting was a success.
In the meeting, the United States did not rebut anything because Mr.
Hatoyama did not bring up any subjects that would set the U.S. off.
The two leaders will have serious talks in their next meeting.

If Japan simply terminates the refueling mission in the Indian
Ocean, its understanding of international contributions is
insufficient. Japan's contributions under the LDP administration
were also insufficient. The bilateral nature of the Japan-U.S.
security setup is another question. The government should be fully
aware that under the bilateral alliance, the United States is
obliged to defend Japan and Japan is required to provide military
bases.

-- Do you have any advice for the LDP?

Okamoto: I think Japan's future depends on whether the LDP can
engage in a constructive battle with the DPJ as a healthy opposition
party. If the DPJ puts weight on distribution and domestic issues, I
want to see the LDP vie with the DPJ by advocating an open society
and growth-oriented policy.

(8) Editorial: Resolution on "world without nuclear weapons": Japan,
U.S. should take the lead in elimination of nuclear weapons

MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
September 26, 2009

The huge rusty cogwheel has finally begun to move with a roar eight
years after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The world that used to be
divided into "anti-U.S." and "pro-U.S." countries under the
oppressive atmosphere of the Bush administration is now making a
major change in direction under the Obama administration.

The fact that President Obama chaired a summit meeting at the UN
Security Council (UNSC) that passed a unanimous resolution on a
"world without nuclear weapons" is a sign that the United States,
which tended to be isolated in the international community, is now
regaining trust.

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama of Japan, a non-permanent UNSC member
and the world's only atomic-bombed nation, also declared Japan's

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determination to take the lead in the elimination of nuclear arms
and adhere to the three non-nuclear principles as its "moral
responsibility." We pay great tribute to this resolution that is
truly a "historic resolution" in the words of President Obama.

President should visit Hiroshima, Nagasaki

It goes without saying that one single resolution will not change
the world overnight. The harsh reality remains the same, and there
will be cynics who think that "nuclear weapons can never be
eliminated." The French philosopher Alain said, "pessimism comes
from our passions; optimism from the will." Indeed what is needed is
the strong will to eliminate all nuclear weapons.

In that sense, collaboration between Japan and the U.S. is extremely
important. President Obama appealed for a "world without nuclear
weapons" in his speech in Prague, the Czech Republic, last April and
acknowledged the "moral responsibility" of the only country that has
used a nuclear weapon. It is desirable that the two countries lead
the world toward the eradication of nuclear arms in a manner that
resonates with both countries' moral responsibility. In this regard,
we would like to reiterate our call for President Obama to visit
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. During the summit meeting, Prime Minister
Hatoyama called on the world leaders to visit the two cities.

For sure, the question of responsibility for dropping atomic bombs
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the Japan-U.S. relationship in this
context is difficult. However, the simple feelings of human beings
should be valued. We believe that the journey toward a "world
without nuclear weapons" should start with prayers for the repose of
the souls of those whose lives were taken by these horrific weapons.
Seeing ground zero with his own eyes would also be beneficial for
Mr. Obama, who plans to hold a nuclear security summit in Washington
next April.

Looking back on past events, it is evident that President Obama has
exercised tremendous leadership on the question of nuclear arms.
After his Prague speech, he also agreed on mutual reduction of
strategic nuclear warheads with Russia and lobbied for the adoption
of a declaration on a "world without nuclear weapons" by the G-8
leaders at the summit in L'Aquila, Italy, in July.

On September 17, the President announced a review of the missile
defense plan in Eastern Europe, which has been a source of dispute
between the U.S. and Russia, and this move has been welcomed by the
Russian leadership. America has also reached an agreement with
Russia on drafting a new treaty to replace the Strategic Arms
Reduction Treaty I (START I).

The U.S. and Russia, whom it was feared would be plunged into a "new
cold war" by the Bush administration, are now meeting steadily
halfway. The unanimous resolution by all 15 members of the UNSC on
nuclear disarmament and the eradication of nuclear arms in the world
is an event that reflects closely the changing times.

Increasing number of nuclear powers

Certainly the way ahead is not all rosy. In addition to the five
nuclear powers - the U.S., the U.K., France, Russia, China - that
are allowed to possess nuclear arms under the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), it is an open secret that Israel
possesses many nuclear warheads. The same is true for India and

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Pakistan, and North Korea has conducted two nuclear tests. There are
also persistent suspicions about Iran's development of nuclear
weapons.

The world is in danger. One reason why the Obama administration is
keen on nuclear disarmament is its desire to prevent terrorist
organizations from acquiring nuclear weapons. U.S. government
officials in the past have also striven to find ways to achieve the
elimination of nuclear arms. Mr. Obama is not the only U.S.
president who wanted to eradicate such weapons. However, elimination
of nuclear arms has become a common goal of the world only under the
Obama administration. This significant turning point should be
valued.

The new UNSC resolution covers a number of issues where Japan can
play an important role, including the reinforcement of the NPT
regime, early entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty
(CTBT), and the promotion of negotiations on the Fissile Material
Cut-Off Treaty (FMCT). The secretary general-designate of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is Mr. Yukiya Amano. Japan
is also expected to play a role in the coordination process for the
NPT Review Conference to be held in May.

Meanwhile, there is an opinion that there is a contradiction in that
Japan, which shelters under the U.S. "nuclear umbrella," is
campaigning for the elimination of nuclear arms. There is also
criticism against Prime Minister Hatoyama's declaration of his
adherence to the three non-nuclear principles. However, one can at
least argue that working for a "world without nuclear weapons" and
dealing with the immediate threat with the "nuclear umbrella" are
issues belonging to different realms.

In his speech to the UNSC, President Obama called on North Korea and
Iran to also abide by the resolution, taking the approach of
applying pressure on these two countries through the united front
presented by the UNSC. Cooperation among Japan, the U.S., China, and
Russia could also bring improvement in the situation in North Korea.

However, reality will not change with a mere proclamation of ideals.
It goes without saying that President Obama's ability to deliver and
Japan's diplomatic skills will now be put to the test.

(9) Editorial: Nuclear weapons-free world - Move history with
international cooperation

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full)
September 26, 2009

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) endorsed U.S. President
Barack Obama's vision of a world free of nuclear weapons. Since the
Cold War ended, 20 years have already passed. We hope that this
ambitious "ideal" will be turned into reality through Japan-U.S.
cooperation and international coordination.

The UN Security Council unanimously approved a resolution that sets
a framework for action to rid the world of nuclear weapons. Obama
emphasized in an unprecedented meeting of the council: "We must keep
going on until all nuclear weapons disappear from the earth."

The resolution, defining the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)
as indispensable, calls the countries outside the treaty to join it.

TOKYO 00002266 011 OF 014

The resolution also urges the countries concerned to sign and ratify
the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in order to put it into
effect at an early date. The resolution also reaffirms the
resolutions adopted by the UNSC against North Korea and Iran, both
of which are promoting the development of nuclear weapons, although
the resolution mentions neither of them.

The role of the UN in dealing with the arms-reduction challenge is
becoming more important. To prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to
emerging countries and terrorists, monitoring by the international
community is essential. North Korea has begun to show signs of
responding to a call for talks. This progress also can be attributed
to the effect of the UN sanctions against that nation.

We hope international cooperation will move forward the goal of a
nuclear weapons-free world. First of all, the five nuclear powers
should reduce their arsenals.

The U.S. and Russia have agreed to come up with a new nuclear
disarmament treaty to replace the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty 1
(START1). Britain has announced its plan to reduce the number of
submarines capable of carrying nuclear weapons from four to three.
France has declared it would significantly reduce the number of
nuclear warheads below the figure in the Cold War period. China has
indicated a willingness to ratify the CTBT.

Of course, an array of difficulties lie ahead before the goal of a
world without nuclear weapons is realized. Will India and Pakistan,
which are at loggerheads while arming themselves with nuclear
weapons, take part in the NPT? Will Iran decide to give up on its
efforts to develop nuclear weapons, although that nation has
insisted that it will use such weapons for peaceful purposes? To
dissuade these countries from continuing their nuclear weapons
programs, the U.S. and Russia should offer an example by reducing
their nuclear potential in a positive manner and influence
international public opinion to call for arms reduction.

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama pledged at the latest UNSC meeting to
maintain the nation's three nonnuclear principles. He said:
"Although Japan has potential capability to develop nuclear weapons,
it has opted for being a nuclear-free country." He has made clear
his determination to draw a line between himself and the group in
Japan arguing that Japan should acquire nuclear weapons.

President Obama said in a speech in Prague that the U.S. is the only
nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon. Meanwhile, Prime
Minister Hatoyama said in a UN speech that Japan is the only nation
to have suffered nuclear bombing. Based on these views, the two
leaders both emphasized that they have a moral responsibility to
act.

It is true that Japan has depended on the U.S.'s nuclear umbrella
for its national security, but Japan and the U.S., on the basis of
their moral responsibility, should jointly work to bring about a new
age free of nuclear weapons.

(10) Editorial: Concern about U.S.'s new Myanmar policy

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
September 27, 2009

The U.S. Obama administration will start a direct dialogue with the

TOKYO 00002266 012 OF 014

Myanmar military government, reviewing its Myanmar policy. The
United States has probably decided to shift its policy because the
sanctions it has imposed on Myanmar since the 1990s have not led up
to an improvement in democracy and human rights in the country.
However, it is feared that the military regime might regard the
U.S.'s policy shift as a conciliatory approach.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, pointing out that it is
wrong to choose between sanctions or engagement, stated at the
United Nations that the Obama administration will hold a dialogue
with the military junta while keeping sanctions in place.

It is true that the sanctions by the U.S. and Europe have not
produced the expected results. For one thing, the sanctions have
brought about the trend that the military junta relies on China on
the economic and security fronts, resulting in strategic benefit for
China. Some have contended that there is a possibility that the
military government will conduct nuclear weapons development with
North Korea's cooperation. Myanmar is bordered by China and India
and faces the Indian Sea. It is rich in mineral resources. It has a
population of 50 million. Given its geopolitical importance and
potential capability, the U.S.'s policy change is rational. However,
there is undoubtedly a risk that the policy shift will be perceived
as a compromise by the U.S.

Although Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Myanmar National League for
Democracy, who has been under house arrest, took a stance of
welcoming the U.S.'s policy shift, international human rights groups
and ethnic minority forces, which have continually skirmished with
the military junta, have expressed apprehension.

Secretary Clinton underscored that there is no change in the U.S.'s
basic goals such as the immediate release of all political
criminals, including Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as Myanmar's
democratization. It is probably necessary for the U.S. government to
strongly show at least its basic stance to the military junta.

The military regime has stepped up pressure on ethnic minorities
with next year's general elections in mind. In August, more than
10,000 members of an ethnic Chinese group living in the country's
north crossed the border into Yunnan Province in China. The military
junta's strong-arm policy has shaken regional stability.

Since the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which has had a strong
interest in Myanmar's human rights, has assumed the reins of
government, Japan's policy toward Myanmar is being questioned. In
order also to give life to an "East Asian Community" concept, the
DPJ-led government needs a diplomatic effort to involve not only the
United States and Europe but also the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN), China, and India in the Myanmar issue.

(11) Sankei-FNN poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties

SANKEI (Page 5) (Abridged)
September 18, 2009

Questions & Answers

(Note) Figures are percentages. Figures in parentheses are
percentages in the previous Sankei-FNN survey, conducted Sept. 5-6.

Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet?

TOKYO 00002266 013 OF 014

Yes 68.7
No 15.3
Don't know (D/K), etc. 16.0

Q: Which political party do you support?

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 44.4 (39.7)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 18.8 (18.5)
New Komeito (NK) 4.0 (5.0)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.7 (3.9)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2.4 (2.5)
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 4.1 (3.6)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.3 (0.6)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.3 (0.3)
Other political parties 0.8 (0.9)
None 21.6 (24.4)
D/K, etc. 0.6 (0.6)

Q: Do you have high expectations for the Hatoyama government on the
following points?

The prime minister's personal character
Yes 68.9
No 19.7
D/K, etc. 11.4

The prime minister's leadership
Yes 54.5
No 22.8
D/K, etc. 22.7

Foreign, security policies
Yes 50.5
No 28.0
D/K, etc. 21.5

Economic policy
Yes 63.7
No 20.7
D/K, etc. 15.6

Healthcare, pension
Yes 76.6
No 14.3
D/K, etc. 9.1

Childcare, low birthrate
Yes 70.5
No 18.2
D/K, etc. 11.3

North Korea
Yes 46.0
No 34.2
D/K, etc. 19.8

Postal privatization review
Yes 43.6
No 37.7
D/K, etc. 18.7

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Q: What's your impression of the Hatoyama cabinet's lineup?

Fresh 16.9
Heavyweight 9.0
Seniority-oriented 8.7
Competent 29.8
Prime Minister Hatoyama's imprint shows 12.9
Featureless 15.7
D/K, etc. 7.0

Q: Do you have high expectations for the Sept. 28 LDP presidential
election?

Yes 36.3
No 57.6
D/K, etc. 6.1

Q: Who do you think would be most appropriate as the LDP's new
president?

Yoichi Masuzoe 23.7
Shigeru Ishiba 14.1
Nobuteru Ishihara 12.4
Taro Kono 10.3
Sadakazu Tanigaki 9.3
Kunio Hatoyama 4.2
Itsunori Onodera 1.0
Other LDP lawmakers 3.0
None 17.9
D/K, etc. 4.1

Q: Would you like the ruling or opposition parties to win next
year's election for the House of Councillors?

The DPJ and other new ruling parties 58.6 (59.1)
The LDP and other new opposition parties 32.3 (33.0)
D/K, etc. 9.1 (7.9)

Q: How long do you think the Hatoyama government will continue?

About several months 1.3
Until around next summer's election for the House of Councillors
18.2
Until next fall 24.1
Until after next fall 51.9
D/K, etc. 4.5

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Sept. 16-17 by the
Sankei Shimbun and Fuji News Network (FNN) over the telephone on a
computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. For the survey, a
total of 1,000 persons were sampled from among men and women, aged
20 and over, across the nation.

ROOS

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