Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 08/17/09

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PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
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ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 172132Z AUG 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
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INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
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RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8238
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RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6420
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0453
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7116
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 6747

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001893

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/17/09

INDEX:

(14) U.S. Ambassador to NATO: U.S. will not request SDF dispatch to
Afghanistan (Yomiuri)
(15) U.S. Ambassador to NATO: emphasis on practical advantage in
contributing to Afghanistan; high marks for Japan's financial
contribution (Yomiuri)
(16) Defense Ministry to deploy PAC-3 missiles across Japan (Sankei)

(17) U.S. wards off criticism against ex-President Clinton's visit
by not easing sanctions on North Korea (Asahi)
(18) Former senior MOFA official: MOFA should give explanation to
the people on the secret nuclear agreement (Asahi)
(19) DPJ plans to integrate nuclear administration, such as R&D,
into METI (Sankei)
(20) Three opposition parties to focus on shift away from Koizumi
reforms (Yomiuri)
(21) Environment Ministry views reduction of greenhouse gas
emissions by 80% in 40 years as possible (Mainichi)
(22) Government to provide yen loan for port infrastructure
construction in Cambodia (Nikkei)

ARTICLES:

(14) U.S. Ambassador to NATO: U.S. will not request SDF dispatch to
Afghanistan

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full)
August 16, 2009

In an exclusive interview with the Yomiuri Shimbun on the 14th U.S.
Ambassador to NATO Daalder disclosed that the Obama administration
is not planning to request Japan make a military contribution to
Afghanistan. He remarked that the possibility of the dispatch of the
Self-Defense Forces to Afghanistan "has not even come up during
private meetings."

While noting "Japan's unique history" and expressing understanding
for the large constraints placed on the Self-Defense Forces, the
ambassador said he hoped Japan would continue and expand its past
help with reconstruction through financial assistance and dispatch
of civilian experts. The Bush administration had floated the idea of
Japan's dispatching such things as transport planes, but Ambassador
Daalder remarked that "every country should decide on its own
weighty matters such as the mobilization of military forces."

Mr. Daalder, who was in charge of formulating foreign policy for the
Obama camp during the presidential election, assumed the post in
May.

(15) U.S. Ambassador to NATO: emphasis on practical advantage in
contributing to Afghanistan; high marks for Japan's financial
contribution

YOMIURI (Page 6) (Full)
August 16, 2009

Ivo Daaler, the brains behind President Obama's foreign diplomacy
and the U.S. Ambassador to NATO, indicated that behind the U.S.
decision not to press Japan for a military contribution to
Afghanistan was an alliance strategy of "emphasis on practical
advantage" -- which draws on each country's area of specialty --

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while avoiding friction between allies.

The ambassador remarked that any contribution to the reconstruction
of Afghanistan would be appreciated, drawing a sharp distinction
between the current administration and the previous Bush
administration, whose pressuring countries to send more (forces)
invited a backlash in Europe. In addition, he indicated that the
stabilization of Afghanistan was "a joint responsibility of the
international community," and that a unified strategy in which
allied countries mutually complement one another is desirable.

He pointed out that "in spite of legal and political constraints,
there are many ways a country like Japan can make a contribution."
He particularly gave high marks to Japan's contributing
approximately 125 million dollars to pay the salaries of about
80,000 Afghan police officers for half a year.

He called for a "global response to globalized threats,' and
indicated that in the future he would continue to actively promote
extra-regional missions such as the Afghan mission and anti-piracy
operations in the waters off Somalia.

He said there would be no change to the structure in which allies,
including Japan and other non-NATO countries, cooperate by
contributing troops or funds even for future military operations. He
stressed that failing to make a contribution to international
security, that is, "taking a free ride," would not be tolerated.

(16) Defense Ministry to deploy PAC-3 missiles across Japan

SANKEI (Top play) (Excerpts)
August 16, 2009

The Ministry of Defense decided yesterday to deploy Patriot Advanced
Capability-3 (PAC-3) ground-to-air missiles throughout the country
as part of a missile defense (MD) system. The step is intended to
increase the country's capabilities to deal with contingencies, with
the threat from North Korea in mind. Funds for additional defense
equipment will be included in the ministry's budgetary request for
fiscal 2010. The Air Self-Defense Force's (ASDF) air defense missile
groups, which include some PAC-2 units to intercept aircrafts, will
all be equipped with PAC-3 missiles, and the units will be
streamlined as well.

The ministry had originally planned to introduce the PAC-3 to the
ASDF's three air defense missile groups out of its six groups in the
nation. In fiscal 2006-2007, the ministry completed deploying the
PAC-3 in the 1st Air Defense Missile Group in Saitama Prefecture
covering the Tokyo metropolitan area. The original plan also
included deploying the system to the 4th Air Defense Missile group
in Gifu Prefecture defending the Nagoya-Osaka area and to the 2nd
group in Kasuga, Fukuoka Prefecture, covering northern Kyushu, in
fiscal 2008-2010.

This deployment plan was intended to give top priority to defending
the nation's major cities full of political and economic nerve
centers from ballistic missile attacks. The ministry planned to
maintain the remaining 3rd group in Chitose, Hokkaido, 6th group in
Misawa, Aomori Prefecture, and 5th group in Naha as PAC-2 units to
intercept enemy aircraft. Meanwhile, North Korea launched a
long-range ballistic missile in April and seven mid-range missiles
in July, including a Nodong that is capable of reaching Japan. North

TOKYO 00001893 003 OF 009

Korea has deployed some 2,000 Nodong missiles. There is also an
observation that the North has successfully developed a nuclear
warhead small enough to fit onto a missile.

Given the situation, the Defense Ministry has recognized the need to
expand the PAC-3 defense network nationwide and to equip all its six
air defense missile groups with PAC-3 missiles.

Viewpoint

Naohisa Hanzawa

The Defense Ministry's plan to deploy the PAC-3 system across the
nation clearly shows the government's determination to defend the
Japanese people from ballistic missile attacks. PAC-2 missiles are
incapable of intercepting incoming Nodong missiles. It can be said
that the ministry has made an appropriate change to its original
plan in order to eliminate the threat from North Korea, which is
becoming increasingly belligerent.

(17) U.S. wards off criticism against ex-President Clinton's visit
by not easing sanctions on North Korea

ASAHI (Page 9) (Full)
August 15, 2009

Yusuke Murayama, Washington; Yoshihiro Makino, Seoul; Tetsuya
Hakoda, Tokyo

The United States has not shown any signs of easing sanctions on
North Korea after the surprise visit of former President Bill
Clinton to the DPRK, which resulted in the release of two female
American reporters. It announced on August 13 that a senior State
Department official will be visiting Japan, the Republic of Korea
(ROK), and other countries to make sure that sanctions are being
implemented thoroughly. On the other hand, North Korea has been
quietly expressing its hopes for the resumption of dialogue with the
U.S. While the U.S. is very likely to take the same posture from now
on, the Japanese and ROK governments have begun to step up their
"preparations," in case there is a sudden breakthrough in U.S.-DPRK
dialogue.

On August 13, Philip Goldberg, U.S. government coordinator for the
implementation of UNSC Resolution 1874, announced his visit to
Japan, Singapore, Thailand, and the ROK from next week, stressing
that the sanctions will not be relaxed. One week after Clinton's
visit to North Korea, the Department of the Treasury had just added
a North Korean bank rumored to handle the "secret funds" of General
Secretary Kim Jong Il to the sanction list on August 11.

Increasing criticism from conservatives against the Clinton visit is
behind the U.S. government's maintaining its tough stance. In an
article contributed to a U.S. paper, former Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger denounced the trip for "enabling Kim Jong Il to convey to
North Koreans, and perhaps other countries, that his country is
being accepted into the international community, which is precisely
the opposite of (the U.S. goal of the DPRK) abandoning its nuclear
weapons program."

In response to such criticism, presidential national security
adviser James Jones has been appearing on all major TV programs to
explain that, "While North Korea may use (the visit) for its own

TOKYO 00001893 004 OF 009

purposes domestically, it is clear internationally that the visit
was for the purpose of rescuing the reporters." Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton also made efforts to calm things down during her
visit to Africa, saying that, "We have absolutely not given (North
Korea) any rewards."

The U.S. government is stressing that "the visit to North Korea is
not related to policy on the DPRK," (Secretary Clinton) and has
conveyed to the governments of Japan and the ROK that: (1)
resumption of U.S.-DPRK dialogue is premised on the latter's return
to the Six-Party Talks; and (2) sanctions on North Korea will
continue. However, details of the discussions between ex-President
Clinton and Kim, which reportedly lasted for 3 hours and 15 minutes,
have not been revealed.

A diplomatic source in Seoul points out that: "Even if Mr. Clinton
did not make any political statements, it is fully possible that
North Korea might have made concrete proposals. The U.S. government
is probably analyzing them meticulously, along with an analysis of
the condition of General Secretary Kim's health."

Even senior U.S. government officials who are pushing for sanctions
are saying that "North Korea indicated its willingness to improve
relations (during the visit)." Despite the U.S. government's tough
stance, it appears certain that the gap between the U.S. and the
DPRK regarding "finding a solution through dialogue" has been
narrowed. Although the DPRK has declared its withdrawal from the
Six-Party Talks, it will still be possible to conduct dialogue by
remaining ambiguous over the point of whether the dialogue is within
the Six-Party Talks framework or not.

Since direct U.S.-DPRK dialogue has been instrumental for breaking
out of past deadlocks on several occasions, Japan and the ROK are
concerned that the U.S. and the DPRK may go ahead with their own
talks. There is now an opinion in the ROK government that, "We
should take steps to improve North-South relations, such as by
giving humanitarian aid or resuming the project for the reunion of
separated families, in order not to be left behind in the process."

The U.S. government has been saying that "the ball is now in North
Korea's court" (State Department Deputy Spokesman Robert Wood),
urging North Korea to soften its attitude. A ROK government official
describes the present situation as follows: "The ball is indeed in
North Korea's court, but the U.S. holds the key to what sort of ball
North Korea will be made to throw."

(18) Former senior MOFA official: MOFA should give explanation to
the people on the secret nuclear agreement

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
August 15, 2009

Notes written by Kazuhiko Togo, visiting professor at Kyoto Sangyo
University; former director general of Treaties Bureau and European
Affairs Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; former ambassador to
the Netherlands

I was the director general of the Treaties Bureau (now the
International Legal Affairs Bureau) of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs (MOFA) from July 1998 to August 1999. In addition to my
regular duties, I was responsible for sorting out the enormous
amount of documents that were left behind by past Treaties Bureau

TOKYO 00001893 005 OF 009

chiefs in the course of their demanding job.

From each of the three divisions in the Bureau one administrative
officer was assigned to help me, and we spent a month selecting the
most important documents. We sorted them in a user-friendly manner
through comparison with the special transition documents left by my
predecessor. We devoted the most effort to sorting materials
relating to the conclusion and implementation of the Japan-U.S.
security treaty. Among the many sensitive materials, those relating
to the secret agreement on bringing nuclear arms into Japan,
allegedly signed at the time of the conclusion of the security
treaty in 1960, were extraordinary in volume.

I will not comment on whether the so-called secret agreement was
included in MOFA's files because I think there are more important
issues.

Maintaining "ambiguity"

Actually, what is the essence of the secret-agreement issue?

There was a gap between the Japanese and U.S. governments on the
scope of the introduction of nuclear weapons.

However, the two governments refrained from making this gap public.
The Japanese side has continued to state its belief that "unless
there has been a request for prior consultation, nuclear arms have
not been introduced." Neither has the U.S. side addressed this issue
squarely.

By maintaining "ambiguity," Japan was able to fully maintain its
security amid the Soviet threat in an age when national sentiment
was opposed to nuclear weapons and proceed on the path of economic
reconstruction. The significance of this should be taken into
consideration.

Furthermore, I believe that the time has come to end the argument
over the consistency of the government's statements to the Diet
concerning the existence or non-existence of the secret agreement.

Twenty years after the end of the Cold War, Japan has evolved from
its response during the Gulf War, termed "Japan's defeat" because of
the tardiness of the response, to prompt cooperation with the U.S.
after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The North Korean threat has
emerged, and Chinese military power is on the rise. This is an era
when Japan and the U.S. are discussing expanded deterrence,
including the nuclear umbrella. The new Obama administration is
advocating the eradication of nuclear weapons, and in this regard,
initiatives by Japan are desired. This is the time to think about
the meaning of "not introducing" nuclear weapons, one of the three
non-nuclear principles of "not possessing, producing, or introducing
nuclear arms."

The past should be dealt with in the context of a future-oriented
approach. Under such an approach, the people should receive an
explanation of whether the secret document existed in MOFA's files
and of how my predecessors dealt with this issue. I believe the onus
for giving this explanation primarily rests with my former
colleagues at MOFA.

Destroyed documents should be restored

TOKYO 00001893 006 OF 009

However, according to media reports, a senior MOFA official ordered
the destruction of all documents relating to this issue in 2001. I
would be astounded if that's true.

Among the documents I sorted were ones pertaining to MOFA officials'
painstaking debate on how to reconcile popular sentiment with the
Japan-U.S. alliance. There were also records written by my father
Fumihiko Togo, who was the division chief in charge of the security
treaty in the early 1960s, reportedly the period when the secret
agreement was signed, as well as documents written by past directors
general of the Treaties Bureau. Heated debates had taken place when
the statements of La Rocque and Reischauer were made. There were
many documents that deserved to be perused with great care.

Should we not learn from our predecessors and present new policies
by making the best use of their wisdom? If the media reports are
true, I think MOFA should restore the old documents in the process
of formulating new policy and reproduce the records of the
negotiation process.

I think foreign policy not firmly rooted in the past will have no
future.

(19) DPJ plans to integrate nuclear administration, such as R&D,
into METI

SANKEI (Page 1) (Abridged)
August 16, 2009

The major opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has decided to
shift the control of research and development of nuclear energy,
which now rests with the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports,
Science, and Technology (MEXT), to the Ministry of Economy, Trade,
and Industry (METI) if it takes power in the upcoming House of
Representatives election. By integrating the METI-controlled
commercial use and development of nuclear energy, the step is
designed to increase the efficiency of nuclear administration, to
enhance the safety of nuclear power generation, and to develop the
nuclear industry. Coordination is underway in the DPJ to centralize
the Cabinet Office Nuclear Energy Council and other bodies at METI
in the future. The country's nuclear administration is likely to
undergo a major transformation with the establishment of a DPJ
administration.

Under the current system, the Cabinet Office Nuclear Energy Council
and other bodies formulate basic nuclear policies. Based on those
policies, the Agency for Natural Resources and Energy in METI
oversees the commercial area, including nuclear power generation.
Meanwhile, MEXT, which is responsible for the R&D of nuclear power
generation, has jurisdiction over Monju, the country's only fast
breeder, in Fukui Prefecture.

Once it takes the helm of government, the DPJ intends to integrate
the government's policy planning and supervisory functions that are
currently split between the commercial and R&D areas.

By combining the administrative functions that are divided between
METI and MEXT, the DPJ plans to implement comprehensive nuclear
policies ranging from development to commercial use, as well as to
shore up efforts for safety and for developing the nuclear power
industry. Additionally, the DPJ intends to boost efforts to branch
out overseas by nuclear plant makers, such as Toshiba Corp., Hitachi

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Ltd., and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Ltd., and power companies.

(20) Three opposition parties to focus on shift away from Koizumi
reforms

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Excerpts)
August 15, 2009

A feature of the common policies for the upcoming House of
Representatives election, which three opposition parties - the
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), Social Democratic Party (SDP), and
People's New Party (PNP) - revealed on Aug. 14, is a policy of
shifting away from the structural reform policy, which has been
implemented by the government since the Koizumi cabinet, including a
review of the social security system and postal privatization
program, which led to employment uncertainty and the collapse of
local economies. The common policies also include a pledge not to
raise the consumption tax rate, so it is still uncertain how fiscal
resources for household support, including a child allowance
program, will be secured. There still remains a cause of concern
because they did not mention foreign policy or national security.

With regard to the postal privatization program, the coalition
government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and New Komeito has
said that it will achieve complete privatization by selling off the
shares of Japan Post Bank and Japan Post Insurance Co. Reforming
this policy in their common policies, the two parties aims to
continue to involve the government in the two financial companies
through Japan Post. Their view is that if it is possible to manage
the two financial companies and Japan Post Network as a unit, it
will be easier to protect local post offices.

However, since Japan Post Holdings Group Co. has started management
with an eye on the listing of stock and complete privatization of
the two financial companies, the cancellation of complete
privatization and selling of shares could have a major impact on
markets and economic circles.

Abolishing the present health insurance system for people aged 75 or
older will be difficult. The DPJ had said that it will reintroduce
the old insurance system for the elderly and look into creating a
new system. However, the party just stipulates in the common
policies that the nation will bear the burden of an increase in the
national insurance fees caused by abolishing the present health
insurance system.

The three parties will discuss diplomatic and security policy in
consultations on forming a coalition government after the general
election, according to DPJ Policy Research Committee Chairman
Masayuki Naoshima. If the DPJ wins the Lower House election, the new
prime minister is expected to visit the United States in late
September to attend the G-20 financial summit, the United Nations
General Assembly session, and a U.S.-Japan summit.

(21) Environment Ministry views reduction of greenhouse gas
emissions by 80% in 40 years as possible

MAINICHI (Page 1) (Full)
August 15, 2009

The Environment Ministry yesterday released its draft plan that
includes specific measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80%

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from 2005 levels by 2050. The ministry notes that even if the
nation's gross domestic product's (GDP) growth rate stays at 1-2%,
it will be possible to attain the 80% reduction goal by means of
replacing all vehicles with eco-friendly ones as a measure to cut
back on the use of fossil fuels (such as oil) and boosting the
volume of electricity produced by solar power by 120 to 140 times
more than 2005 levels as a measure to save energy.

The declaration issued by the July Group of Eight (G-8) summit in
L'Aquila, Italy proposed decreasing the total volume of greenhouse
gases emitted by all industrialized countries by more than 80% by
2050. The ministry drafted the plan based on this pledge.

The Environment Ministry views a reduction in greenhouse gas
emissions by 80% as possible if the nation takes such measures as
slashing the amount of energy used by 40% and introduces renewable
energy (such as solar power and natural energy). The ministry
envisions two different scenarios for Japan in 2050: (1) a society
in which the population and capital are concentrated in urban areas
as a result of priority given to economic growth; and (2) a society
in which the population and capital are dispersed to local areas as
a result of people pursuing comfortable lives.

The first scenario is premised on an annualized growth rate of 2%.
Under this scenario, the ministry sets the ratio of renewable energy
to all energy consumed at 28% and the ratio of nuclear power at 26%.
In this scenario, it would be necessary to increase the amounts of
electricity produced by solar power and nuclear power by 120 times
and 1.4 times over 2005 levels, respectively. The ministry also
proposes replacing all vehicles with eco-friendly ones.

The second scenario is premised on an annualized growth rate of 1%.
Under this scenario, renewable energy would account for 40% of all
energy consumed, and the ratio of nuclear power would be 26%. It
would be necessary to increase the amounts of electricity produced
by solar power and by nuclear power by 140 times and 1.2 times over
2005 levels, respectively. As for autos, the ministry sets the
ratios of electricity cars and highbred cars at 50% each. In both
scenarios, the usage rate of public means of transportation would be
raised to 50% (a 10-point increase from 2000). Environment Minister
Tetsuo Saito said: "Industrialized countries are obligated to attain
(the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by) 80%. Attaining
this goal is the only way for Japan to survive."

(22) Government to provide yen loan for port infrastructure
construction in Cambodia

NIKKEI (Page 3) (Full)
August 16, 2009

The government has decided to extend a yen loan to Cambodia for its
project to expand and improve Sihanoukville Port so that it can
accommodate large-sized ships in response to a growing volume of
cargo. Cambodia has been actively promoting forestation for
papermaking by Japanese companies and also the exploitation of crude
oil and natural gas offshore. It is aiming to improve the
environment with an eye on exports of such products to Japan in the
future.

Small in scale and superannuated, Sihanoukville Port can't keep up
with demand for handling such products as iron steel, coal, and
grain. The Japanese government plans to construct a facility capable

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of dealing with bulk cargos in the range of 50,000 tons bulk. It
aims to complete the work in 2014 with a goal of a handling capacity
of 11.2 billion tons in cargo, a six-fold increase from 2007, in
2016.

The government intends to provide Cambodia with a loan of as much as
7,176 million yen through the Japan Industrial Cooperation Agency
(JICA). It would be the largest such loan ever to Cambodia.

The yen loan has a repayment period of 40 years with annual interest
of 0.01%. JICA and the Cambodian government are scheduled to sign a
contract on August 21.

Cambodia's moderate weather bodes well for the future growth of the
export of woodchips for papermaking. Japanese companies are also
considering making inroads into Cambodia. Off Sihanoukville Port,
Mitsui Oil Exploitation and other companies are developing oil and
natural gas fields, so they have high expectations for Sihanoukville
as a port for the export of such natural resources.

ZUMWALT

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