The Nation: Patrick Gower interviews Bill English
On The Nation: Patrick Gower interviews Bill
English
Headlines:
Prime
Minister Bill English has made his strongest criticisms yet
of Donald Trump and says the US Government needs to bring
its focus back from what its President is doing, to economic
growth and
stability.
English
says Trump would be welcome to visit New Zealand. “A lot
of New Zealanders, I presume or I hear, don’t necessarily
support Donald Trump, but we don’t let that kind of
politics get in the way of these long-standing
relationships.”
The
PM says the US would always be welcome back into the TPP. He
also says he’s feeling more optimistic about the trade
deal going ahead, but admits any significant changes may
mean it needs to go back to Parliament and that wouldn’t
be until after the
election.
English
won’t rule out supporting a preemptive strike on North
Korea, but says diplomatic solutions would be
preferable.
Patrick Gower: I want to start with Donald
Trump. Do you trust
him?
Bill English: Look,
there’s a whole lot of politics going on there in the US.
We don’t focus on it hour by hour. There’s a lot of
opinions about Donald Trump. You know, he’s got to find
his own style and way as president, which is clearly
different from what they’ve ever had before. So we focus
on the issues where we can have an
influence.
Because, look at the events over
there this week — the special counsel being brought in to
look at the campaign connections with Russia; Donald Trump
accused of leaking or passing information to Russia; talk
there even of an impeachment. Are you concerned about
that?
Look, from our point
of view, it makes it hard for the US administration to focus
on getting their economic growth going and providing
stability in the region. Now, in the long run, that is a
critical part of the US role — to pull along the world
economy; to provide regional stability where we can thrive.
So it certainly would be better from our point of view if
they are able to focus on those issues and a bit less of the
politics.
So you are concerned from that
global stability and economic perspective of what’s
happening over there?
Well,
it’s just you can see there’s a lot of focus in their
media and their political leadership around issues which are
relevant to US domestic politics but not directly relevant
to our interests.
But they are directly
relevant to our interests if you look at what happened this
week with the passing of the information to Russia and our
involvement in the Five Eyes network. Now, there could
easily be a scenario where we, in our role as Five Eyes,
give information to the United States, Donald Trump then
passes it to some other country; New Zealand is put in a
difficult position. Surely you must be concerned about that
— the safety of our information that we pass to them
now.
Well, we haven’t
seen anything so far that indicates that there’s some kind
of systemic problem there. And the analysis of this event
makes it all look a bit spontaneous. So we are quite happy
to continue the kind of relationship that we
have.
Are you going to have a watching brief
on it, because he’s only been in power for, you know, just
over 100 days. Are you going to have a watching brief on
what happens with
intelligence?
Look, we
always keep an eye on the relationship with these other
countries, what happens with our intelligence. The point of
all that is to contribute to the safety of our citizens all
around the world. So that Five Eyes relationship works for
us. There are some questions being raised
about—
Everybody knows that Five Eyes works.
It is the question of what happens once it got from Five
Eyes to Donald Trump. That’s what we’re talking about
here. Does it concern
you?
Well, look, I can’t
imagine there’s going to be intelligence that is, you
know, precisely that relevant that it’s going to end up on
the President’s desk in some way that he can miss use it
or whatever. So they’ll sort all that out. We’ll just
focus on maintaining the relationship. I think there’s
plenty of people keeping an eye on Donald Trump, I mean,
hour by hour. There’s news about it, so we can easily keep
an eye on it.
Yeah, but, I mean, do you trust
him? Coming back to that question, do you trust Donald
Trump?
Well, we trust him,
as the elected president of the US, to work out his own
domestic politics. People have all sorts of views about what
judgements he makes, as they do about other political
leaders.
Yeah, and I mean there was an open
invitation for Barack Obama to come to New Zealand. Does
that stand for Donald Trump? Is there an open invitation for
him to come to New
Zealand?
Well, we haven’t
transmitted any invitation formally. I see he’s just about
to go on his first overseas trip. I’d imagine that in
order we would probably go there first — a New Zealand
Prime Minister after the next election — and they might
invite him here.
Yeah, he’d be welcome in
New Zealand?
Well, we would
certainly welcome him here. I mean, a lot of New Zealanders,
I presume or I hear, don’t necessarily support Donald
Trump, but we don’t let that kind of politics get in the
way of these long-standing relationships.
And
is that part of the difficulty here? You can’t say or have
an opinion about Donald Trump even though lots of New
Zealanders are concerned about him. In your role as Prime
Minister you can’t say
anything?
Well, look, my
role is to look after New Zealand’s best interests in the
wider world. And we have so much to do there which is
constructive, like this visit that I’m on at the moment
around TPP. We can get on with that. The impact of the
goings-on in the US, I think, could get concerning if it
looks as if the US economy is going to lose confidence or if
it looks like the US is distracted from the regional
stability that we enjoy.
Sure. And looking at
your visit here and your meeting with Prime Minister Shinzo
Abe and that commitment — a firm commitment, actually —
to get the TPP going on time, do you count that as a
personal win? Is that a personal win for you on the foreign
policy front?
Look, I think
it’s just another win for New Zealand on the way to TPP,
because there’s a lot of work gone on in the last three or
four years. Todd McClay, our minister of trade, has done a
great job over the last three or four months getting around
all the countries, just getting appointed in the right
direction. And it’s, I think, coming along and personally
discussing the matter with Prime Minister Abe has certainly
helped firm up our views and his views, and New Zealand and
Japan find themselves essentially leading this push to the
TPP.
So if Donald Trump goes as President of
the United States, whenever, for whatever reason, is there
effectively an open invitation for the United States to come
back to the table on TPP, come back into it
almost?
Look, I think
it’s one of the incentives for the other 11 countries to
keep going is that the US could come back to TPP if
there’s a TPP operating and if it remains basically
unchanged from the one that the US
negotiated.
Yeah, so if Donald Trump’s gone,
TPP with the US in it is back on straight away
almost?
Well, whether
Donald Trump’s there or not, they would always be welcome
back because that’s the big prize.
Sure. And
on that, trade ministers will meet about the finer details
in the coming days, but it has substantially changed to what
you passed in the parliament without the United States in
it. What’s the government’s legal advice? Do you need to
go back to the parliament for the enabling legislation?
What’s the legal advice on
that?
Well, we haven’t
had legal advice yet on exactly—
Will you
get some?
Well, we’ll get
some, but they’ll have to be clear about what has actually
changed, because either the content could change… We think
that’s unlikely, because it means everyone renegotiating
and so the TPP would be unlikely to get there. But if it’s
just technical changes, they may not have to go to be
legislated, but certainly they would have to be tabled in
front of Parliament. Look, that’s, in a way, a bit of
legal proceduralism. I think the only political issue there
is whether the Labour Party support moving ahead with the
TPP—
And we’ll come to that, but it could
go back to the parliament? It could have to go back to the
parliament if there’s technical changes,
even?
Well, we’ll get the
advice about what’s required, but we don’t imagine that
a successful TPP will require significant change in
legislation.
Yeah, but it could require a
change in legislation. You can’t—? You obviously
can’t—?
We can’t rule
it out.
And if that happened, when would you
do it? Because you’ve only got so much time if you want to
get this thing up and running by February next year. Is that
something that would happen before the
election?
I don’t think
it would. I think it would be after the
election.
You’d have to do it with a new
government, because that could materially change things for
the TPP, couldn’t it, if you had, for instance, a party in
coalition, like New Zealand first, who didn’t support
it.
Look, I think it would
be very difficult for a government after this election to
pull back from what is such a clearly beneficial agreement
which our businesses are looking for,
which—
Winston Peters is dead against
it.
Well, he may well be,
but I think it would be pretty hard for a government to pull
back from it.
And on the Labour Party, you’d
expect them to support that? You think it’s even maybe
more palatable a TPP without the United States in it right
now?
I don’t know. It’s
hard to tell from what they say. But it’s pretty important
that as a larger party in the parliament they’ve got a
view about it.
So you’d expect them to want
to vote for this?
Well,
they should. Whether they will or not, ‘course, is another
matter, because just because something is a good idea often
means the Labour Party don’t vote for
it.
Now, you discussed North Korea extensively
with President Abe. How concerned was he about the way that
Kim Jong-un is boosting its nuclear capabilities? How
concerned was President— Prime Minister
Abe?
Well, look, I think he
transmitted the kind of public concern that Japan has had
for some time. And, remember, Japan is very close to North
Korea. There’s a real concern about North Korea’s
growing technical capabilities to reach not just Japan, but
reach further with their missiles. They have quite a
challenge getting the various countries to put pressure on
North Korea to actually take the steps to do it — the US,
China, South Korea and Japan, who all have different
relationships among themselves. So I’d say there’s a
fair bit of concern in Japan about it.
Yeah,
and as for that fair bit of concern, at what point would New
Zealand support a pre-emptive strike against North Korea? At
what point would we support a pre-emptive
strike?
Well, look, we
wouldn’t want to speculate about that, because there’s
clearly now sufficient concern that you’re seeing the US
and China, in particular, lining up to try and bring some
resolution to these issues without conflict. Because I think
they all share the concern of a rogue state with nuclear
weapons.
Yeah, and so does the entire world.
So New Zealand would potentially support a pre-emptive
strike?
Well, look, I
certainly would not want to speculate on that, because by
far the preferred option is a diplomatic
process.
Yeah, of course, but you won’t rule
out supporting a pre-emptive strike against North
Korea?
Well, as I’ve
said, I just would not want to speculate on it, and I think
everyone’s trying very hard not to create a problem by
imagining what it might look like. Diplomatic pressure,
sanctions pressure by far preferable.
Sure.
You spoke this week that you assumed that North Korea had
committed some kind of cyber-attack against New Zealand.
What would they do, and why would they target
us?
Look, the cyber world
is full of dark corners, and there’s all sorts of people
who are out there attacking our systems all the time, which
is why we, like every other country, have to be so vigilant,
and New Zealand has geared up for that over the last three
or four years. So we are reasonably well protected, but we
just assume that, along with the other activities that North
Korea gets into, cyber-attacks is probably among
them.
Just deliberately causing cyber harm, I
suppose, to New Zealand for the sake that we we’re a
Western country. Is that what you’re talking about? Like,
literally, sort of, cyber
mischief?
Well, look, I
think these things work a bit like the recent high-profile
cyber-attack. They may not necessarily be picking on a
country, and they may not necessarily be aiming at New
Zealand. They’re just spraying themselves through the
Internet, trying to cause problems like any other one of
dozens, maybe hundreds, of pretty clever
people.
Now, turning now to domestic issues
and the policy announced this week to build 34,000 homes in
Auckland, for the government to build 34,000 homes in
Auckland. Prime Minister, how many of those will be
affordable? How many of those will be affordable homes that
first-home buyers could get
into?
Well, that’s yet to
be determined. I mean, the Minister’s mentioned a few
figures around about a third. The top priority there is to
get enough of our new social houses that we need for the
lowest income—
The number of affordable
homes under 650,000 is actually 7234, Prime Minister. It’s
only 7000 homes over 10 years for first-time buyers. Is that
good enough?
Well, we’ve
got to meet the need of those with the most housing need, so
that’s the top priority. Then we’ve got the opportunity
to flex just how many are market houses, how many are built
at lower prices and therefore more readily available at
lower incomes. So that’s a benchmark that’s been set
there. And as we work our way through this, we’ll see how
the market goes, where the prices are, because as you can
see in Auckland, the house prices are flattening, some cases
falling. In another two or three years when we have met our
social housing needs, which are pretty important first,
we’ll see what the situation is then.
And
this building of these affordable homes, you know, however
many it is, it’s KiwiBuild lite, isn’t it? And, I mean,
this is what some of your MPs have called this concept of
the government building houses — fantasyland, a dog of a
policy, a joke. I mean, what made you rip off this dog of a
concept, of the government building
houses?
Well, it’s not a
rip-off. The Labour Party promised to build 100,000 houses
somewhere, somehow, no one quite knows where. Our task has
been to, as we set out three or four years ago, to rebuild
the state housing stock. And that’s what we are setting
out to do.
Sorry to interrupt, but it looks
like— it’s four months out from an election, it looks
like a policy rip-off. It smells like a policy
rip-off.
Well, it isn’t,
because we started three or four years ago, and the critical
phase in this project was the new Auckland Plan that allowed
the city to grow and then allows the government to
build—
So it’s not a
rip-off?
No, because it’s
part of our longer-term stewardship of our state housing,
which we’ve talked about now for four or five years. So,
look, we’re very happy to be building houses in Auckland,
because we’ve got a lot of old stock. It’s the wrong
size, the land is poorly used. We talked for years
about—
You’re happy to be building houses.
Now, I’ll just move along, Prime Minister, to some more
personal issues. A question that was actually pretty
essential for the last Prime Minister was — if you win
this election, do you pledge to the New Zealand public to
stay on and fight the 2020
election?
Yes.
You
do? You will stay
on?
Yes.
That
will mean that you’ve been in Parliament for 30 years at
that point, Prime
Minister.
I’m just
getting good at it, Paddy.
All right, thank
you very much.
Thank
you.
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