Free Press - March 22 2016
Free Press - March 22 2016
ACT’s regular
bulletin
Our
Greatest Tragedy
The Canterbury Earthquakes were
New Zealand’s greatest natural disaster. 185 people died,
thousands were injured, and the $40 billion repair bill made
it the country’s most damaging natural disaster ever in
dollar terms.
The Government’s
Response
One of the Responses has been the
Buildings (Earthquake Strengthening) Amendment Bill. In a
nutshell, it requires most buildings except residential
buildings that are single storey or have fewer than three
titles to be brought up to 34 per cent of the strength of a
new building. The time to achieve this depends on how much
risk there is in each region.
Do-Something
Regulations
An unfortunate but common phenomenon
in Government is do-something regulations. The logic runs:
we must do something, this is something, we must do this. A
horrific dog bite led to microchipping dogs. Roastbusters
led to the Harmful Digital Communications Act. The
Canterbury Earthquakes are leading to blanket
regulations.
Risks Vary
The
earthquake risk to life varies greatly according to a) where
the building is and b) how often it is occupied. For
example, a hostel in Wellington is a greater danger to life
than a church in Northland. The hostel is occupied at least
half the time and in an area of high earthquake risk. A
Whangarei church faces almost no earthquake risk and is only
occupied a couple of times a week. To save lives,
strengthening one is much more worthwhile than the
other.
Pushed Back Hard
The
initial regulations imposed uniform requirements nationwide.
It was pointed out that the cost of saving a life in
Auckland under these regulations was 3000 times more than in
Wellington. The revised version of the bill has been
drastically watered down.
The
Watering
The revised bill has gone some way to
acknowledging that different buildings pose different risks.
It doesn’t require structures such as barns to be
strengthened. It acknowledges regional differences by
dividing the country into three seismic risk levels and
giving low risk areas such as Auckland, Northland and
Dunedin 50 years to strengthen.
Wait,
what?
We are now asked to believe that
earthquake strengthening is very important but it can wait
50 years. It was a way of getting the costs down, they
claim strengthening will be cheaper in the future. The
Treasury says the costs of strengthening buildings against
earthquakes across New Zealand will still be $750 million
less than the benefits.
One
Amendment
ACT will propose two amendments when
the bill is next debated. The first aims to exempt low risk
regions such as Auckland, Northland and Dunedin. This is
because the chance of a severe earthquake in Auckland is one
in 110,000 years in Auckland, and even then building to 34%
of the National Building Standard would result in almost no
improvement in public safety. It would however impose major
costs on property owners forced to undertake expensive
engineering assessments and retrospective strengthening, or
face the stigma of being listed on the earthquake prone
building register, unfairly impacting the market value of
properties.
And Another
The
second amendment aims to classify building risk-to-life by
including the amount of time they’re occupied, rather than
simply where they are – a type of methodology favoured by
GNS Science. Unfortunately the current bill’s methodology
is so blunt it effectively asks people to spend far more on
earthquake strengthening than they would on protecting
against other risks such as on the roads or in the
healthcare system.
Real
Empathy
The best tribute to those who lost their
lives would be to make good public policy for future
generations. Unfortunately the current bill is effectively
asking people to spend far more on earthquake strengthening
than they would on protecting against other risks such as on
the roads or in the healthcare system. A bill that makes
people less safe overall is a poor tribute to Canterbury
Earthquake victims.
ACT’s Overall
Antidote
ACT has been touting the Regulatory
Responsibility Bill since 2006. It forces Governments to
ask: What problem are we trying to solve? What are the
options? What are the costs and benefits of each option?
Who are the winners and losers from each option? What are
the effects on property rights and freedom to trade. Other
parties are, of course, terrified of winning power then
having to answer such questions.
ends