Remarks of President Barack Obama—As Prepared for Delivery
The Way Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan
United States Military Academy at West Point
December 1, 2009
Good evening. To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our armed services, and to my fellow
Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan – the nature of our commitment there, the
scope of our interests, and the strategy that my Administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful
conclusion. It is an honor for me to do so here – at West Point – where so many men and women have prepared to stand up
for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.
To address these issues, it is important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in
Afghanistan in the first place. We did not ask for this fight. On September 11, 2001, nineteen men hijacked four
airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people. They struck at our military and economic nerve centers. They took
the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station. Were it not for the
heroic actions of the passengers on board one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols
of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.
As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda – a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the
world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents. Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where
they were harbored by the Taliban – a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country
after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had
turned elsewhere.
Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them – an
authorization that continues to this day. The vote in the Senate was 98 to 0. The vote in the House was 420 to 1. For
the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5 – the commitment that says an
attack on one member nation is an attack on all. And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all
necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks. America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al
Qaeda’s terrorist network, and to protect our common security.
Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy – and only after the Taliban refused to turn over
Osama bin Laden – we sent our troops into Afghanistan. Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its
operatives were killed. The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heels. A place that had known decades
of fear now had reason to hope At a conference convened by the UN, a provisional government was established under
President Hamid Karzai. And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to
a war-torn country.
Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war in Iraq. The wrenching debate over the Iraq War is
well-known and need not be repeated here. It is enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq War drew the
dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention – and that the decision to go
into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.
Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end. We will remove our combat brigades
from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011. That we are doing so is a testament to
the character of our men and women in uniform. Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance , we have given Iraqis a
chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.
But while we have achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated. After escaping
across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe-haven there. Although a
legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it has been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an
under-developed economy, and insufficient Security Forces. Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained
common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government. Gradually, the Taliban has begun to
take control over swaths of Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating acts of terrorism against
the Pakistani people.
Throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq. When I took
office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war.
Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these
reinforcements did not arrive. That’s why, shortly after taking office, I approved a long-standing request for more
troops. After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between
our war effort in Afghanistan, and the extremist safe-havens in Pakistan. I set a goal that was narrowly defined as
disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military
and civilian effort.
Since then, we have made progress on some important objectives. High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been
killed, and we have stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda world-wide. In Pakistan, that nation’s Army has gone on its
largest offensive in years. In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential
election, and – although it was marred by fraud – that election produced a government that is consistent with
Afghanistan’s laws and Constitution.
Yet huge challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards. There is no imminent
threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum. Al Qaeda has not reemerged in
Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe-havens along the border. And our forces lack
the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan Security Forces and better secure the population
Our new Commander in Afghanistan – General McChrystal – has reported that the security situation is more serious than he
anticipated. In short: the status quo is not sustainable.
As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some of you have fought in Afghanistan. Many will
deploy there. As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service. That
is why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy. Let me be clear: there
has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial
of resources necessary for the conduct of the war. Instead, the review has allowed me ask the hard questions, and to
explore all of the different options along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in
Afghanistan, and with our key partners. Given the stakes involved, I owed the American people – and our troops – no
less.
This review is now complete. And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to
send an additional 30,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home. These are the
resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible
transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.
I do not make this decision lightly. I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise
restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions. We have been at
war for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources. Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our
unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort. And
having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably
focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home.
Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you – a military that, along with your families, has already
borne the heaviest of all burdens. As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who
gives their life in these wars. I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed. I have
visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I have travelled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18
Americans returning home to their final resting place. I see firsthand the terrible wages of war. If I did not think
that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would
gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.
So no – I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake
in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is the epicenter of the violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda. It is from here that
we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak. This is no idle danger; no
hypothetical threat. In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here
from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror. This danger will only grow if the
region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity. We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that,
we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.
Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just America’s war Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe-havens have
been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali. The people and governments of both Afghanistan and
Pakistan are endangered. And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda
and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.
These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt,
dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our
allies in the future.
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan. We must deny al Qaeda a safe-haven. We
must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government. And we must strengthen the
capacity of Afghanistan’s Security Forces and government, so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s
future.
We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban’s
momentum and increase Afghanistan’s capacity over the next 18 months.
The 30,000 additional troops that I am announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010 – the fastest pace
possible – so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers. They will increase our ability to
train competent Afghan Security Forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight. And they
will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.
Because this is an international effort, I have asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies.
Some have already provided additional troops, and we are confident that there will be further contributions in the days
and weeks ahead. Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan. Now, we must come together to
end this war successfully. For what’s at stake is not simply a test of NATO’s credibility – what’s at stake is the
security of our Allies, and the common security of the world.
Taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over
responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011.
Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.
We will continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s Security Forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul.
But it will be clear to the Afghan government – and, more importantly, to the Afghan people – that they will ultimately
be responsible for their own country.
Second, we will work with our partners, the UN, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so
that the government can take advantage of improved security.
This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank check are over. President Karzai’s inauguration
speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction. And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect
from those who receive our assistance. We will support Afghan Ministries, Governors, and local leaders that combat
corruption and deliver for the people. We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable. And we
will also focus our assistance in areas – such as agriculture – that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the
Afghan people.
The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They have been confronted with occupation – by the Soviet
Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes. So tonight, I want the Afghan
people to understand – America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering. We have no interest in occupying your
country. We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and
respect the human rights of their fellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual
respect – to isolate those who destroy; to strengthen those who build; to hasten the day when our troops will leave; and
to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never your patron.
Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership
with Pakistan.
We are in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country. But this same cancer has also
taken root in the border region of Pakistan. That is why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.
In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who have argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight,
and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence. But in recent years,
as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the
most endangered by extremism. Public opinion has turned. The Pakistani Army has waged an offensive in Swat and South
Waziristan. And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.
In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly. Those days are over. Moving forward, we are
committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interests, mutual respect, and mutual
trust. We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear
that we cannot tolerate a safe-haven for terrorists whose location is known, and whose intentions are clear. America is
also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development. We are the largest international
supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting. And going forward, the Pakistani people must know: America
will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the
great potential of its people can be unleashed.
These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition; a
civilian surge that reinforces positive action; and an effective partnership with Pakistan.
I recognize that there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me briefly address a few of the prominent
arguments that I have heard, and which I take very seriously.
First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam. They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we
are better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing. Yet this argument depends upon a false reading of history.
Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action. Unlike
Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency. And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people
were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its
border. To abandon this area now – and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance – would significantly
hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our
homeland and our allies.
Second, there are those who acknowledge that we cannot leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go
forward with the troops that we have. But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit
a slow deterioration of conditions there. It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan,
because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan Security Forces and give them the space
to take over.
Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a timeframe for our transition to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some
call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort – one that would commit us to a nation building
project of up to a decade. I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what we can achieve at a
reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests. Furthermore, the absence of a timeframe for
transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government. It must be clear that Afghans will
have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in
Afghanistan.
As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, our or interests. And I must weigh all
of the challenges that our nation faces. I do not have the luxury of committing to just one. Indeed, I am mindful of the
words of President Eisenhower, who – in discussing our national security – said, "Each proposal must be weighed in the
light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs.”
Over the past several years, we have lost that balance, and failed to appreciate the connection between our national
security and our economy. In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our friends and neighbors are out of work and
struggle to pay the bills, and too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children. Meanwhile,
competition within the global economy has grown more fierce. So we simply cannot afford to ignore the price of these
wars.
All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars. Going
forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly. Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost
us roughly 30 billion dollars for the military this year, and I will work closely with Congress to address these costs
as we work to bring down our deficit.
But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home. Our
prosperity provides a foundation for our power. It pays for our military. It underwrites our diplomacy. It taps the
potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry. And it will allow us to compete in this century as
successfully as we did in the last. That is why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended – because the
nation that I am most interested in building is our own.
Let me be clear: none of this will be easy. The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it
extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan. It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the
world And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will
involve disorderly regions and diffuse enemies.
So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict. We will have to
be nimble and precise in our use of military power. Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold –
whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere – they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.
And we cannot count on military might alone. We have to invest in our homeland security, because we cannot capture or
kill every violent extremist abroad. We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step
ahead of shadowy networks.
We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction. That is why I have made it a central pillar of my foreign
policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to pursue the goal
of a world without them. Because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race
for ever-more destructive weapons – true security will come for those who reject them.
We will have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone. I
have spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships. And we have forged a new beginning between
America and the Muslim World – one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that
promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and
human dignity.
Finally, we must draw on the strength of our values – for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things
that we believe in must not. That is why we must promote our values by living them at home – which is why I have
prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child
around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights,
and tend to the light of freedom, and justice, and opportunity, and respect for the dignity of all peoples. That is who
we are. That is the moral source of America’s authority.
Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents, our country has borne a special
burden in global affairs. We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents. We have spent our
revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies. We have joined with others to develop an
architecture of institutions – from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank – that provide for the common security
and prosperity of human beings.
We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes. But more than any other nation,
the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades – a time that, for all its problems,
has seen walls come down, markets open, billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress, and advancing
frontiers of human liberty.
For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination. Our union was founded in resistance to
oppression. We do not seek to occupy other nations. We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples
because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours. What we have fought for – and what we continue to fight for –
is a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’
children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity.
As a country, we are not as young – and perhaps not as innocent – as we were when Roosevelt was President. Yet we are
still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom. Now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the
challenges of a new age.
In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms. It derives from our people –
from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy; from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer
new industries; from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities
at home; from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad; and from the men and women in uniform who
are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a
reality on this Earth.
This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue – nor should we. But I also know that we, as a
country, cannot sustain our leadership nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time if we allow ourselves to be
split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.
It is easy to forget that when this war began, we were united – bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack,
and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear. I refuse to accept the notion that we
cannot summon that unity again. I believe with every fiber of my being that we – as Americans – can still come together
behind a common purpose. For our values are not simply words written into parchment – they are a creed that calls us
together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, one people.
America – we are passing through a time of great trial. And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must
be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering. We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might,
and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not
the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes. Thank you, God Bless you, God Bless our troops, and may God Bless the
United States of America.
ENDS