Rice Says Iraqis Are Seeking To Govern Themselves Freely
U.S.-led coalition must not falter or fade in Iraq, secretary of state says
The Iraqi people, having known little but tyranny in their lifetimes, are trying to govern themselves through politics
and compromise, while rejecting violence and conflict, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice says.
Addressing a sweeping array of change and turmoil in the Middle East, Rice said September 30 that historical change of
the scope the world now is witnessing in Iraq is bound to be difficult, especially since Iraq rests on a major fault
line of religion and ethnicity in the Middle East.
Rice said that if the U.S.-led coalition abandoned Iraq now in its time of greatest need, that act would embolden every
enemy of democracy across the Middle East.
"We will destroy any chance that the people of this region have of building a future of hope and opportunity, and we
will make America more vulnerable," she said. "If we abandon future generations in the Middle East to despair and
terror, we also condemn future generations in the United States to insecurity and fear."
The United States has set out to help the people of the Middle East transform their society, and it is not the time to
falter or fade away, she said.
The Iraqi people have signaled by their free elections in January and the upcoming constitutional referendum on October
15 that they are taking charge of their lives and their country, she said September 30 during a keynote address in
Princeton, New Jersey opening a year of celebrations marking the 75th anniversary of Princeton University's Woodrow
Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.
"There is a path to success, and Iraqis are progressing along it, but they must themselves maintain their commitment to
the democratic political process and to a life of cooperation and compromise rather than violence," she said during a
half-hour speech at the New Jersey university.
At the same time, the United States and the coalition must help Iraq develop its security forces and build the
institutions to sustain a democratic society, she said.
Acknowledging the dangers posed by an aggressive insurgency, Rice said Iraq's forces are fighting vigorously, but the
insurgents make the path to democracy more difficult.
Rice said the insurgents are fighting to regain the unjust privileges they once enjoyed under the defunct regime of
Saddam Hussein.
"There are others, however, foreign terrorists like Abu Musaab al-Zarqawi who seek to ignite the very civil war that
ordinary Iraqis are trying hard to prevent," she said. "These are merciless killers who want to provoke nothing less
than a full-scale civil war among Muslims across the entire Middle East."
In return, the insurgents offer an empire of terror and oppression, she said.
Following is the transcript of Rice's remarks:
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
September 30, 2005
KEYNOTE ADDRESS
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
At Princeton University's Celebration of the 75th Anniversary
Of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs
September 30, 2005
Princeton University
New Jersey
(3:00 p.m. EDT)
SECRETARY RICE: Thank you. Thank you very much. Madame President, other distinguished members here on the dais, and
especially to Anne-Marie Slaughter who I know not just as a fine Dean of the Woodrow Wilson School but also as an
extraordinary scholar whose expertise I've tapped on a couple of occasions since I've been Secretary, thank you for your
leadership of this great university and your leadership in this great school.
I am honored to be here today at Princeton. From George Kennan and John Foster Dulles, to George Shultz and James Baker,
and of course, Woodrow Wilson, many renowned American statesmen have worn the orange and black.
I am especially honored to help all of you celebrate this historic 75th anniversary of the Woodrow Wilson School. As a
professor myself, I understand how important it is to root the practice of statecraft in the study of statecraft in the
systematic examination of politics and history and culture that the Wilson School offers to its students.
Ladies and Gentlemen: Seventy-five years ago, when this school was founded, it was a difficult time when the world's
democracies were like islands in a raging sea. Adolph Hitler was planning his ascent to power in Germany and plotting
his conquest of Europe. And Joseph Stalin was consolidating his rule and building a Soviet Union that would threaten the
entire free world.
Today, however, democracies are emerging wherever and whenever the tides of oppression recede. As President Bush said in
his Second Inaugural Address, "The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world."
Now, to forge realistic policies from these idealistic principles, we must recognize that statecraft can assume two
fundamentally different forms. In ordinary times, when existing ideas and institutions and alliances are adequate to the
challenges of the day, the purpose of statecraft is to manage and sustain the established international order. But in
extraordinary times, when the very terrain of history shifts beneath our feet and decades of human effort collapse into
irrelevance, the mission of statecraft is to transform our institutions and partnerships to realize new purposes on the
basis of enduring values.
One such extraordinary moment began in 1945 in the wreckage of one of the great cataclysms in human history. World War
II thoroughly consumed the old international system. And it fell to a group of American statesmen -- individuals like
Truman and Acheson and Vandenburg -- to assume the roles of architects and builders of a better world.
The solutions to those challenges seem perfectly clear now with half a century of hindsight. But it was anything but
clear for the men and women who lived and worked in those unprecedented change. Long after he was present at the
creation, Dean Acheson remembered the early years of the Cold War as cloudy, and puzzling, and perilous. "The
significance of events," he wrote, "was shrouded in ambiguity and we hesitated long before grasping what now seems
obvious."
But despite the extraordinary nature of their time, the statesmen of that era succeeded brilliantly. They conceived
doctrines and created the alliances and built the institutions that formed the foundation of a new international system,
one organized to defend freedom from the spread of communism.
The ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union initiated a new moment of transformation. This was a glorious revolution, a
cause for celebration throughout Russia and Eastern Europe. The Warsaw Pact countries became the new heart of NATO, and
we transformed that alliance into one that Truman and Acheson would never have recognized, but would certainly have
applauded. Some even thought that the engine of globalization might just make the possibility of conflict remote.
But lurking below the surface, old hatreds were gaining new power. And on a warm September morning, America encountered
the darker demons of our new world.
People still differ about what the September 11th calls us to do. And in a democratic society, that debate is healthy
and just and right. If you focus only on the attacks themselves and believe they were caused by 19 hijackers, supported
by a network called al-Qaida, and operating from a failed state -- Afghanistan -- then our response can be limited. The
course of action presumes that we are still living in an ordinary time.
But if you believe, as I do and as President Bush does, that the root cause of September 11th was the violent expression
of a global extremist ideology, an ideology rooted in the oppression and despair of the modern Middle East, then we must
speak to remove the source of this terror by transforming that troubled region. If you believe as we do, then it cannot
be denied that we are standing at an extraordinary moment in history.
Some would argue that this broad approach to the problem is making the world less stable by rocking the boat and
wrecking the status quo. But this presumes the existence of a stable status quo that does not threaten global security.
This is not the case. A regional order that produced an ideology of hatred so savage as the one we now confront is not
serving any civilized interest.
For 60 years, we often thought that we could achieve stability without liberty in the Middle East. And ultimately, we
got neither. Now, we must recognize, as we do in every other region of the world, that liberty and democracy are the
only guarantees of true stability and lasting security.
There are those who worry that greater freedom of choice in the Middle East will only liberate and empower extremism. In
fact, the opposite is true: A political culture of transparency and openness is not one in which extremist beliefs can
ultimately thrive. Extremism is most dangerous when it lurks in the dark and hides underground. When there is no
political space for individuals to advance their interests and redress their grievances, then they retreat into the
shadows to grow ever more radical and divorced from reality. We saw the result of that on September 11th and now we must
work to advance democratic reform throughout the greater Middle East.
Now, to support democratic aspirations, we must be serious about the universal appeal of certain basic rights. When
given a truly free choice, human beings will choose liberty over oppression; the right to own property over random
search and seizure. Human beings will choose the natural right to life over the constant fear of death. And human beings
will choose to be ruled by the consent of the governed, not by the coercion of the state; by the rule of law, not the
whim of rulers. These principles should be the source of justice in every society and the basis for peace between all
states.
To support democratic aspirations, we must also promote democratic institutions that function transparently and
accountably. We must help all young democracies to protect minority rights, to enforce the rule of law, and to build the
foundations of good governance, from a thriving economy and a vibrant civil society, to a free media and opportunities
for learning and for health for their people.
To support the democratic aspirations, we must recognize that liberty still faces opponents in our world. Some will
never support the free choices of their citizens because they stand to lose arbitrary powers and unjust privileges.
Others know that the ideology of hatred they espouse can only thrive in a political culture of oppression and poverty
and hopelessness. In a world where evil is still very real, democratic principles must be backed with power in all its
forms: political, and economic, and cultural, and moral, and yes, sometimes, military. Any champion of democracy who
promotes principle without power can make no real difference in the lives of oppressed people.
There are those who falsely characterize the support of democracy as "exporting" democracy, as if democracy were somehow
a product that only America manufactures. These critics say that we are arrogantly imposing our principles on an
unwilling people. But it is the very height of arrogance to believe that political liberty and democratic aspirations
and freedom of speech and rights for women somehow belong only to us. All people deserve these rights and they choose
them freely. It is not liberty and democracy that must be imposed. It is tyranny and silence that are forced upon people
at gunpoint.
We know that the march of democracy is not easy. We know that coming to terms with the provision of these rights takes
time. We know because of our own history in which imperfect people put together institutions that allowed us to strive
everyday toward a more perfect union. But of course, in our 250 years, we are still striving and as we look at others
who are still striving, we owe them our respect and our confidence that they, too, can achieve their aspirations.
For years, the entire world talked about ending the Taliban's tyranny in Afghanistan. But it was finally the United
States, leading a coalition of willing nations and brave Afghans that finally put an end to that regime's persecution of
its people. Although many challenges remain, Afghanistan has amazed the world with its rapid progress toward democracy
even as many people begin to take it for granted.
For years, the entire world also talked about ending Syria's occupation of Lebanon. But it was the United States and
France, leading a broad international coalition, with a UN Security Council mandate that together with Lebanese patriots
finally achieved the withdrawal of Syrian forces after the brutal murder of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Since
then, the Lebanese people have held their first free elections in decades. And we are now supporting them in the hard
work of democratic reform that will continue long into the future.
For years, the entire world sought to make peace between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, while overlooking the
corrupt nature and terrorist links of Yasser Arafat's rule. But President Bush refused to deal with Arafat and
encouraged the Palestinian people to undertake the democratic reforms they so justly deserved. Since Arafat's death, the
Palestinian people have elected a president who calls for peace with Israel and recognizes the need to fight terrorism.
Now, if both Palestinians and Israelis meet their obligations, there is a true opportunity for a lasting peace.
For years, the topic of reform was not even a part of our dialogue with Egypt and Saudi Arabia. But President Bush
insisted on having these difficult discussions with our two oldest friends, in private and in public. Both countries are
now taking steps to greater political openness. Saudi Arabia held imperfect municipal elections earlier this year
because women did not vote. But they have promised that they will vote in the future. Egypt held flawed but landmark
presidential election this summer in which there was, at least, vigorous debate of the options before Egyptians. And
they will turn to parliamentary elections next year. Democracy, however, is more than a matter of holding elections. And
we therefore expect both Egypt and Saudi Arabia to begin reforming the political institutions that are the key to
lasting success for any democracy.
And of course, for many years, the entire world talked about ending the tyranny in Baathists Iraq. Despite 17 Security
Council resolutions demanding that Saddam Hussein stop oppressing his people, refrain from threatening his neighbors and
cease the pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, he remained in power. The United States and a large coalition of
nations finally removed Saddam Hussein. By any moral standards, the liberation of the Iraqi people was long overdue.
Now, it was only two and a half years ago that Saddam Hussein was still in control of Iraq. He was torturing his
political opponents and he was plundering the Oil-for-Food program and using the money to corrupt individuals and
institutions worldwide, while Iraqi children died of malnutrition and lack of medicine. He was forcing male dissenters
to witness the rape of their wives and daughters. And he was shoveling the stale dirt of mass graves onto the latest of
his 300,000 innocent victims. A monster like Saddam Hussein could not be a part of anyone's vision for a better Middle
East.
Now, Saddam Hussein is gone and the Iraqi people have a more hopeful future. To be sure, Iraqis still face a long, hard
path to that hopeful future. Historical changes of the scope and magnitude of this one are bound to be difficult. And
this is a country that rests on the major fault lines of religion and ethnicity in the Middle East. It was held together
for most of its history through coercion and repression. Now, despite having known little but tyranny, the Iraqi people
are trying to govern themselves through politics, not violence; through compromise, not conflict. Millions of Iraqis
risked their lives to vote last January. And their free representatives have drafted a constitution that enshrines the
principles of democracy and the equality of all Iraqis before the law.
The United Nations having increased its presence in Iraq tenfold in just the past year is helping to organize its
constitutional referendum as well as the elections that will follow at the end of the year. In both of these important
votes, American and coalition soldiers will join Iraq's security forces to defend the Iraqi people's freedom of choice,
whatever course of action they favor.
There is a path to success and Iraqis are progressing along it. But they must themselves maintain their commitment to
the democratic political process and to a life of cooperation and compromise rather than violence. We must help them to
fully develop their own security forces and they must build institutions that sustain accountability and provides public
services. For their part, Iraq's neighbors must provide greater financial support and stronger diplomatic support. And
the international community must continue to stand firmly at Iraq's side.
Now, clearly, the path is made more difficult by the brutal insurgency that Iraqis face. Iraq's security forces are
fighting its enemies vigorously, coalition forces are helping and America's men and women in uniform are performing
heroically. Nearly 2,000 American servicemen and women have given their lives to this mission. And our nation will
always honor their names and their sacrifice.
So let us be very clear about exactly who they and we are fighting. Some of the insurgency is fueled by the same thugs
and henchman who enforced Saddam Hussein's tyranny for decades. They fight now to regain the unjust privileges they once
had. There are many others, however, foreign terrorists like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who seek to ignite the very civil war
that ordinary Iraqis are trying so hard to prevent.
These terrorists target Iraqi children receiving candy from American soldiers. They line up schoolteachers and execute
them in their classrooms. They murder hospital workers caring for the wounded. And they massacre innocent Muslims who
want to serve as policemen and soldiers and government officials in the new Iraq. This is not some grassroots coalition
of national resistance. These are merciless killers who want to provoke nothing less than a full-scale civil war among
Muslims across the entire Middle East. And having done so, they would build an empire of terror and oppression.
The choice we face in Iraq is, thus, stark. If we quit now, we will abandon Iraq's democrats at their time of greatest
need. We will embolden every enemy of liberty and democracy across the Middle East. We will destroy any chance that the
people of this region have of building a future of hope and opportunity. And we will make America more vulnerable. If we
abandon future generations in the Middle East to despair and terror, we also condemn future generations in the United
States to insecurity and fear.
Ladies and Gentlemen: We have set out to help the people of the Middle East transform their societies. Now is not the
time to falter or fade.
Only four years ago, the democrats of the Arab world were hiding in silence or languishing in prison or fearing for
their very lives. Now, from Cairo and Ramallah, to Beirut and Baghdad, men and women are finding new spaces of freedom
to assemble and debate and build a better world for themselves and their children. They most certainly have determined
enemies. But they also have determined defenders. And it is possible to envision a future Middle East where democracy is
thriving, where human rights are secure, and where hope and opportunity are within the reach of these people.
I know that this vision can seem very distant at times, especially when we see so many tragic images of death, of
innocent Iraqis and Afghans, and of course, Americans dying overseas. There are legitimate differences about the war we
are now fighting in Iraq and in a great democracy like ours, everyone has the right to express those views freely.
But I hope that we can all step back and look at other extraordinary times and though they are not perfectly parallel,
they can help us to gain a perspective on the challenges we face.
In 1989, I was lucky enough to be the White House Soviet specialist at the end of the Cold War. It doesn't get any
better than that. I was there for the liberation of Eastern Europe; the unification of Germany; and for the beginnings
of the peaceful collapse of the Soviet Union itself. I saw things that I never thought possible. And one day, they
seemed impossible; and several days later, they seemed inevitable. That is the nature of extraordinary times.
But as I look back now on those times, I realized that I was only harvesting the good decisions that had been taken in
1947, in 1948, and in 1949. And sometimes, I wonder how in the course of events, the course of the moment, people like
Acheson and Truman and Marshall and Vandenberg saw a path ahead. After all, in 1946, the Germany Reconstruction was
still failing and Germans were still starving. Japan lay prostrate. In 1947, there was a civil war in Greece. In 1948,
Germany was permanently divided by the Berlin Crisis; Czechoslovakia was lost to a communist coup. And in 1949, the
Soviet Union exploded a nuclear weapon five years ahead of schedule; and the Chinese communists won their war. In 1950,
a brutal war broke on the Korean Peninsula.
These were not just tactical setbacks for the forward march of democracy. Indeed, it must have seemed quite impossible,
that we would one day, stand at a juncture where Eastern Europe would be liberated, Russia would emerge, and Europe
would be whole and free and at peace. If we think back on those days, we recognize that extraordinary times are
turbulent and they are hard. And it is very often hard to see a clear path. But if you are -- as those great architects
of the post-Cold War victory were -- if you are true to your values, if you are certain of your values, and if you act
upon them with confidence and with strength, it is possible to have an outcome where democracy spreads and peace and
liberty reign.
Because of the work that they did, it is hard to imagine war in Europe again. So it shall be also for the Middle East.
Thank you very much.