International Solidarity Movement Updates
1) Communique from Tobias in jail 2) ISM Jenin report 3) Travel in an occupied land_John Petrovato 4) Racism run
amok_Steve Quester
1) Communique from Tobias in jail
Bethlehem 19 Jul 03 ISM Media Office
(the following was written on Saturday, though just received by the ISM)
Hi all.
So we´re down to 3. Me, Tarek and Fredrik here in cell #4. We are all in good spirits as we make an attempt to fight
this injust deportation in the supreme court. As of now, we have no idea when our hearing is going to be. The word is
anything from tomorrow (sunday), until 3 weeks. Whatever happens, we stand firm in our conviction that we must fight
this to as far an extent as we can take it. Our chanses are slim but I hope with all my heart that I will soon be out
there working again together with you, all my loved friends in Jenin och the ISM.
Love and Rage
Tobias
2) ISM Jenin Report
July 21, 2003
Today ISM-Jenin volunteers in the village of Arrabony spent the day at a house in danger of demolition. This house is
not in the path of the Apartheid Wall, but because of the explosives used for Wall construction, it is in danger of
being damaged by the use of heavy explosives nearby. Today was the second day that ISM volunteers have stayed with the
home, using their presence to protect it from destruction. They will return again tomorrow.
Also today ISM-Jenin volunteers visited the village of Arqa which is losing 1,000 dunams of agricultural land to the
Apartheid Wall. Instead of following a straight path, the wall goes as close to the village as possible, confiscating
the most possible land but keeping the unwanted population outside of Israel.
At Arqa the wall makes a big loop around two settlements, a mountain with an important Roman archeological site, the
only forest in the area, and the land the people of Arqa used to farm and tend their sheep. It also takes about 7 wells.
Volunteers saw the huge clearing for the wall snaking around the landscape, the bulldozers and the armed guards. Over
500 olive trees were destroyed here. No one from the area is allowed within 100 meters of the wall.
Residents said that after 1997 no one in the area was allowed to dig a well; if they did the army would destroy it and
arrest the person who made it. Most of the water in the Jenin area is bought from outside and stored in containers on
the roof, and the people have built collection tanks to use the rainwater. And while the people here risk arrest if they
dig a well, American Aid to Israel has dug an enormous well in the area for Israeli use only.
For more info:
Ann (US) 972 67 978 074 Andrew (UK) 972 67 943 926 Randa (Denmark) 972 67 965 054 Jordan (US) 972 66 312 547
****************************************************
3) Travel in an occupied land
Qalqilia 22 Jul 03 John Petrovato
Traveling in the Palestinian territories is extraordinarily difficult and exhausting. Even for foreigners, the
experience is often wrecked with frustration and danger. As the Israeli state has geographically expanded into the West
Bank, it has created a network of obstacles that control and confine movement of Palestinians in Palestine. Along with
the creation of Israeli settlements (which now includes some 400,000 Israeli civilians since the 1967 war), the hundreds
of check-points, road blocks, military outposts, and by-pass roads, have made simple travel even between Palestinian
villages nightmarish. As governments have historically done with \"frontier\", or ambiguously claimed territory, the
Israeli state it appears, hopes that the mere physical presence of its citizens and the accompanied infrastructure will
increase the legitimacy of their claims upon the land. In this essay I hope to illustrate how the vast infrastructure
laid across the Palestinian landscape restricts and prevents travel. I will use an example of a trip in which myself and
four other internationals from Boston made last week. It involves a roundtrip journey from Jayyous, in the Qalqilya
district (along the \"green line\") to Nablus, in the center of West Bank. Even though the distance was short (perhaps
only 25 miles or so), such a distance in an occupied land is a difficult journey. The trip to Nablus used to take about
25 minutes by car. It is now recommended to allow at least 4 hours. The good roads (well-paved highways) that go
directly to Nablus are now to be only used by Israeli civilians. A few Palestinians are allowed to travel them with
special permission but only within checkpoint zones (which occur every 5 or so miles). The checkpoints prove difficult
to navigate for most Palestinians and they avoid them as much as possible. For it is common that people (especially men
between the ages of 15 of 50) to be detained for many hours. Thus alternative routes have been created to avoid
checkpoints and the experience of humiliation and abuse by the Israeli military. We left Jayyous in a \"service\", a
mini-van taxi cab, shortly after noon. The driver recommended that we seek to enter Nablus through a small village named
Jet (pronounced jeet). Nablus, as we had been told the evening before, was closed and that travel through the main check
point of Hawwara would be impossible. So we accepted the recommendation of the driver and headed toward Jet. The first
half of the distance to Nablus went very quick (perhaps 20 minutes or so). We then came across a temporary check point.
A temporary check point is where soldiers create a barrier at a random intersection and force all travelers (except
those who are Jewish Israeli) to show papers and be interrogated regarding the nature of one’s travel (how, where, and
why one is traveling). If the soldiers are not convinced of one’s explanations, one will be turned back or detained for
further investigation. A couple of minutes later we arrived in the very small village of Jet. We were directed to walk
over a road block (made out of debris and rocks) and follow the dirt road to a paved one about a half mile away. We were
accompanied by a number of Palestinian men and women who were also traveling to and from the Nablus area. We came to the
paved road and it began to immediately climb steeply up a hill. About 100 yards later we came across a few soldiers
lounging out under an olive tree. Upon seeing us approach, they jumped up and met us in the road. We informed them that
we were child psychologists on our way to a Nablus hospital. Surprising they believed our ridiculous story and allowed
us to continue.
At the top of the hill we found another Service taxi. The taxi had been unloading a group of women and children who
were attending a wedding. Upon the children seeing us \"outsiders\" they sadly began to cry and scream. Apparently the
children believed that we were Israeli settlers and feared us. When the children were out of the Taxi, we asked the
driver if he would be able to take us to Nablus. His response was that it was unlikely - that the military has been
patrolling all the roads in the area and that it would be dangerous for him. He would, however, be able to drive us to
another village which we can then walk to Nablus (about 4 miles over a mountain). Believing that this was likely our
best option, we agreed. A few minutes later we picked up a group university women also traveling to Nablus. With the van
packed with people wanting to go to Nablus, the driver said that The next morning we attended a non-violent protest that
was organized by Palestinian villagers east of Nablus. The goal of their protest was to bring attention to the recent
building of a large ditch which runs from an Israeli settlement down into the Palestinian village’s farm land. The ditch
carries raw sewage from the settlement directly through the Palestinians lands and the smell emanating from it is
unbelievably foul. In the afternoon we attempted to return to Nablus and spend the evening there. However, this was
going to be very difficult as the Israeli military had created a \"closed military zone\" over all of Nablus and the
surrounding areas and that they were preventing all movement past check points and road blocks for the indefinitely
future. After having no success of passing various checkpoints (even with the child psychologist story and traveling
with a real, live psychologist) we went back to the village of Salem. At this point we were traveling with about 5 other
internationals who were attempting to get to Tulkarem, a Palestinian city nearby the village of Jayyous. Though some in
the group advocated sneaking through the fields past the checkpoint, we decided against this action as we learned that
soldiers had been shooting at others who had similarly attempted this strategy. We later
So we gave up with the plan and took our chances at yet another checkpoint. This time, with some negotiation, we were
able to convince the soldiers to allow us to pass to a road which leads to the east. The road wouldn’t go back to
Nablus, but it might get us back to Jayyous somehow.
On the other side of the checkpoint we came across a Service which told us that he could take us to Tulkarem and then
to Jayyous. The journey, however, would be long in that the entire region was shut down and the only means of getting
there would be traveling north east (the opposite direction from our destination) over large mountains on really poor
dirt roads. Being that this appeared our only option, we took it. The views from the road were quite stunning as the
large mountains and valleys were dotted with distant small villages in the distance. The road was very dangerous. At
times we would be heading down extremely steep mountains on the edge of cliffs. The road usually consisted of loose sand
and was filled with potholes, rocks, and the like which threw the van from side to side. The van also had to navigate
the unbelievable fact that medium sized trucks were also traveling After about an hour and a half we arrived in the
village of Al-Agrabaniya.We stopped in the village for some drinks and were immediately surrounded by curious villagers
surprised to see foreigners in this isolated area. We continued on our way and then stopped again in Al-Bedhan for
Falefel sandwiches and a short break. Again the villagers surrounded us and offered the predictable Palestinian
hospitality: we were invited for tea, dinner, and even offered a place to stay for the night. We graciously declined and
continued on. At this point, the darkness was settling in and we still had much distance to cover. By the time we
entered Tulkarem, 5 hours had lapsed.
The Tulkarem group was let out and we made our way to the checkpoint separating the city to the roads leading south
toward Jayyous. The driver began to slow down and opened the curtains and turned on the inside lights. He explained to
us that Israeli soldiers were now watching us and that it is best that they be able to see inside the van. The van
stopped in the middle of nowhere and in near blackness. The driver pointed in the distance to show us the cab he had
arranged for our last leg of the journey. One could see a taxi on a hill a distance away with its fog lights on. Our
driver wished us good luck and warned us to walk down the road very slowly. As we made our way down the road we began
noticing Israeli soldiers in fortified positions hidden in the brush on both sides of the road. Then a voice screamed at
us to halt and ordered us to come, one by one, toward them. They searc This is typical of how the military occupation
restricts and slows down movement. Beyond the restriction of movement, there is the very real concern that one will be
detained or harassed by soldiers at checkpoints. One constantly witness and hears stories of Palestinians having to wait
many hours to cross. Sometimes they are forced to dance for the soldiers’ amusement, sometimes their papers are thrown
into the mud, and usually they are yelled at and ordered around as they were children.
The immense transportation, consumption, and production infrastructure that Israel has created in the West bank which
connects the settlements to each other and to Israel proper, closely resembles the apartheid system: there are two
different means of travel for two different people. Those who are Israeli travel quickly on good roads; those who are
Palestinians travel slowly and on very bad roads. Currently there are currently some 120 permanent Israeli checkpoints
and hundreds of road blocks in the Occupied Palestinian territories. In a place about the size of Massachusetts, over
300 separate areas have been created. These areas are basically islands cut off from each other making travel from one
place to another extremely difficult.
Such is the experience of travel in an occupied land
**************************************************** 4) Racism run amok
Jenin Steve Quester 20 July 03
Travel journal....
On Wednesday evening in Qalqilya, we ISM folks were invited to meet with representatives of the organizations that
comprise the PLO in Qalqilya. They were all middle-aged men, and all had done time in Israeli prisons (as has Marwan,
our local coordinator, as have most Palestinian men in the occupied territories). Each of them spoke about the misery of
occupation, the falseness of Israel’s peace negotiations, and the Palestinian determination to resist. We threw out a
few ideas about direct action that we can participate in alongside the community, and there will be more meetings to
knock around some ideas.
The meeting was followed immediately by a second meeting, with representatives of the farmers’ union. We spoke about the
roadblocks on the road to orchards within the fence, difficulty in access to their land outside the fence, irrigation
lines being cut by the workers constructing the fence, and so on. I thought about the day last fall when Lysander and
other ISM folks were asked by the farmers to join them in witnessing the destruction of their fruit trees to clear a
path for the fence. She described how some of the farmers cried and had to be led away.
We decided that we will go out into the fields and the orchards with the farmers on Sunday to work alongside them and to
witness the difficulties they encounter. Then we’ll sit with them that evening to decide what needs to be done in
Qalqilya.
In a third meeting on Wednesday night (oy), this time just ISM, we decided who would replace the interim ISM
international coordinator in Qalqilya, since she’s leaving this weekend. Lysander and I volunteered to share the role.
Thursday morning, we returned to court in Tel Aviv for the deportation hearing of the 8 ISM internationals arrested in
Jenin and Nablus. They had 4 of the top human-rights lawyers in Israel, and a packed court of international and Israeli
supporters. The court officers kept many of the supporters in the hallway throughout the proceeding, even though there
were empty seats in the courtroom.
Our lawyers pointed out that the 2 Israelis arrested with the 8 internationals were released almost immediately, that
the arrests were illegal, that the facts alleged were contradictory. They produced affidavits in support of ISM from
Member of Knesset Yossi Sarid and from Terri Greenblatt of Bat Shalom. They showed that while the Ministry of the
Interior was alleging that ISM interferes with the activities of the army, endangering themselves, soldiers, and the
Israeli public, they offered no evidence to show that the 8 defendants interfered with the army in any way.
The judge upheld the Ministry’s deportation order anyway, and agreed with the Ministry’s characterizations of ISM. He
also denied a one-week stay of deportation while an appeal is filed in the Israeli Supreme Court.
We spent last night in Jerusalem. The pedestrian mall in West Jerusalem was packed, because it was Thursday night
(everything’s closed Friday night for the Jewish Sabbath), and because there is a currently a cease fire between the
Israeli army and Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade. Everyone entering the outdoor mall had to be
thoroughly checked by one of a legion of security guards. I found it pretty scary. I also thought that the Israeli peace
movement ought to do an action there, hanging banners on the barricades that point out that it’s the Occupation that
makes metal detectors on a city street necessary.
I was with Lisa, from JAtO, who doesn’t read Hebrew, so I was translating the graffiti and political posters on the
walls for her. They were uniformly right wing, and said things like \"Kahane was right\", \"Jordan is the Palestinian
state\", and \"Oslo proves: it’s forbidden to give them a state.\" There was even graffiti on the walls of the Old City.
(To be fair, there’s lots of graffiti in Palestinian communities throughout the West Bank, and I usually can’t read what
it says.)
The previous week when I was in West Jerusalem, I saw a number of young men who appeared to be Arab pulled aside by
police, apparently based on looks alone, to have their IDs scrutinized and to be questioned about their activities.
While in Jerusalem, I got a call from the ISM people who had returned to Qalqilya from Tel Aviv. They were absolutely
denied entry to Qalqilya via the checkpoint; apparently, the Israeli army wants the 50,000 people of Qalqilya, entirely
surrounded by the wall/fence, to be cut off from the outside world.
Friday morning, 3 of us from the Qalqilya crew traveled from Jerusalem to Jenin to help out with an action. Getting from
Jerusalem to Jenin was a 45 minute drive once upon a time, but now that a network of settler roads has been built in the
West Bank and declared off limits to vehicles with Palestinian license plates (while West Bank cities are off limits to
vehicles with Israeli license plates), the trip involves a long detour through the Jordan Valley, many humiliating
checkpoints, and 3 hours’ travel time. One of the passengers in our van was a young man from Jerusalem who is a student
at the Arab-American University in Zababde, a village near Jenin. His Jerusalem ID means he is seen as an Israeli by the
authorities, so each week when he goes to school, he gets stopped at the last checkpoint and told that he mustn’t go to
Jenin \"for his own safety\". The delay caused by the soldiers checking his ID led the driver to leave without him,
stranding him at the checkpoint.
We got to Birqin, near Jenin, just in time to participate in a roadblock removal. Lots of men and boys from the village,
as well as the ISM crew from Jenin, converged on the giant dirt mound with a front loader, pick axes, and shovels. If
you look carefully at the attached photo, you’ll see two people hanging off the sides of the front loader. Those are ISM
internationals there to protect the front loader from confiscation, and the driver from arrest. My job was to eavesdrop
on the soldiers communicating with one another, since I understand Hebrew, while another international negotiated with
them in English. Fortunately, I had nothing to do, since the army never showed up. The roadblock that the army built is
gone, and the drive from Birqin to Jenin is once again 5 minutes, instead of 40.
After the successful action, we spent time at the home of Moayed, an organizer in Birqin. We were served tea and coffee,
of course, and listened to Moayed and his family play the oud and sing songs of Palestinian liberation. His teenage
daughter recited a poem about Palestine that made a Palestinian-American ISM member cry. It was great chatting with
Moayed; he spoke with me about the need for coexistence of Jews and Palestinians in this land, and about how the Torah
and the Qur’an are both used to justify exclusive rights to the country.
We proceeded to the ISM apartment in Jenin. The walls of Jenin are covered with martyr posters (anyone who has died in
the struggle is called a \"martyr\" in Palestine), from Rachel Corrie to civilians shot by Israeli soldiers in Jenin to
fighters who died defending Jenin from Israeli invasion to suicide bombers. One sees these posters in every Palestinian
community in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, but they’re particularly plentiful here. I am sorry that bombers get the
same status as other people who resist the Occupation; personally, I’m convinced that the bombings are reprehensible as
well as counterproductive. I worry about them when I’m in Tel Aviv, Haifa, or West Jerusalem (I never ride buses), and
my friend Shanka in Tel Aviv narrowly missed getting killed in a bus bombing a year ago. I think it’s important to
remember, however, that there were almost no bombings when the peace process was on track in the ’90s, that the bloody
Israeli army assault on unarmed Palestinian resistance in September, October and November of 2000 preceded any of this
Intifada’s bombings, and that Israeli army targeting of Palestinian civilians has killed 3 times as many people as the
bombings have. So while I disagree (to put it mildly) with anyone who sees the bombers as people to be admired for
sacrificing themselves for their people, I think it’s clear that the way to end the bombings is to end the Occupation.
(The Israeli Knesset this past week reaffirmed that the West Bank-\"Judea and Samaria\" in their Biblical view-is not
occupied territory, that settlement expansion must continue, and that Israel must control all the land west of the
\"security fence\", even though that land is in the West Bank and represents vital Palestinian land and water
resources.)
The ISM folks in Jenin tell me that the Israeli army has been going into Jenin Refugee Camp at night, destroying the
building materials that the U.N. is using to try and rebuild the community that was bulldozed by the army in April of
2002.
I had a good discussion tonight with folks in Jenin about their upcoming actions in and around the city, and how we
might proceed in Qalqilya. The conditions in walled-in Qalqilya are very difficult for people who live and work there,
and for internationals trying to support non-violent resistance there. The people there have welcomed internationals in
solidarity with them, but I think we all feel a little stymied by being caged up. We’ll see what we can accomplish.
The trip Saturday morning from Jenin to Qalqilya was another exercise in roadblocks, humiliating checkpoints, and 5
shared taxis for what should have been 1 short trip. The racism at the checkpoints was blatant; at one point all the
Palestinian men in the car were forced to get out and stand in the sun while their IDs were checked. I was allowed to
sit in the car with the women. No soldier asked spoke to me or looked at my passport to ascertain who I was; I was
apparently judged not in need of checking by virtue of my appearance alone.
We finally got to Qalqilya, and did manage to talk our way in through the checkpoint. We had a few things going for us:
we were a small group (only 3), we had a Palestinian-American with us who could claim to have family in Qalqilya, and
the District Commanding Officer who has ordered internationals kept out of Qalqilya wasn’t there because it was
Saturday. Nevertheless, we got in by the skin of our teeth.
While we waited and haggled at the checkpoint, I observed the soldiers’ interactions with Palestinians requesting
permission into the city. They were spoken to and manhandled in a way that the soldiers would never dare with us,
another manifestation of racism run amok. The soldier with whom we were negotiating, who was friendly to us and
sympathetic, left for a moment, transformed from Dr. Jekyll to Mr. Hyde. Hyde, and screamed at some boys on a donkey
cart. Another soldier went through a young man’s pockets without speaking to him about it first, in order to see if he
had another form of ID. I couldn’t imagine him doing that to me.
On Sunday morning we went out to the farmers’ gate in the fence. The idea was to spend a day with farmers working in
their fields and orchards and observing the ways in which the fence is disrupting their livelihood. Agriculture has
become a central source of income since Palestinians’ travel to their jobs in Israel was banned, and since Israeli
shoppers stopped coming to Qalqilya.
One can no longer bring a car, truck or tractor into the Qalqilya fields and orchards outside of the fence. The army
blocked the way to the gate with boulders and a mound of dirt, so that one can only travel on foot or, with difficulty,
by donkey. The impact of this demechanization on Qalqilya farmers’ ability to extract income from their fields is
obvious.
We walked through the gate with Shukri, an AP photographer who is a Qalqilya resident and some farmers. We were stopped
by the private armed security (from a company called Ari) who work for the companies contracted to build the fence for
the Israeli government. They were very aggressive and caused all the farmers except one to turn back and try again
later. We ignored them and walked into the lands beyond the fence with a farmer named Khaled.
Khaled pointed out how many of the plots were neglected since September 2002 when this part of the fence went up. Under
the Ottoman land laws, which Israel uses to confiscate Palestinian land, property belongs to the state if it is
uncultivated for 3 years in a row. The state’s role in preventing cultivation is not a mitigating factor in the eyes of
the Israeli legal system. The Israeli government then turns the land over to the Jewish National Fund, whose charter
says that the land is held in perpetuity for the Jewish people, making it technically illegal for non-Jews, even
non-Jewish Israelis, to rent or live on that land. (The heavily fortified Border Police post at the Qalqilya checkpoint
has a sign denoting that it’s on JNF land. Not what I had in mind when I put my allowance in those little blue boxes as
a kid.)
Israeli soldiers in a Hummer followed us up the path among the fields, and forced us to leave. We tried to negotiate to
let us stay and work with the farmers for the day, but they said they were calling the Border Police to come and arrest
us. Again: apartheid. They said that the farmer could proceed to his fields (his wife and children already had), but
they were intent on keeping us apart from them.
One of the soldiers freaked when we walked back through the gate into Qalqilya. I guess they thought we’d walk alongside
the gate on their jeep road until we got to a checkpoint, or until the Border Police came along and arrested us. They
REALLY don’t want us in Qalqilya. They didn’t follow us in, however. I think they need fairly high level orders to come
inside the cage. They did stop Shukri, and took his ID and press pass (Palestinians can be arrested for not carrying
ID). Shukri went to the District Commanding Officer later, who returned his ID, but said he’d need the name of the
soldier in order to file a complaint aimed at getting back his press pass.
This morning we tried again to go out with the farmers (they hadn’t expected that we’d come back). We arrived at the
gate at 6:15 on the assumption that the workers constructing the fence wouldn’t be at work yet, and therefore security
wouldn’t have arrived. What we found was a tank, a jeep, and some soldiers, waiting apparently for us. Some farmers got
there at the same time, and were allowed through by the soldiers. We of course did not attempt to cross, and I’m really
disappointed that the army has so far been successful at separating us from the farmers.
Israeli army jeeps came into Qalqilya today and arrested someone-I don’t know the details. International activists and
local residents in the nearby village of Jayyous had an action today at which they went to the fence and threw food and
supplies over to a Bedouin family trapped by the fence and unable to reach Jayyous themselves.
We’re working hard on our upcoming wall actions-July 28 in Jenin, July 29 in Tulkarm, July 30 here, and July 31 in
Mas’ha. We have to find a way to bring the world’s attention to the fence and what it’s doing to Palestinians.
That’s all for now. Peace.
Steve