(Also addresses threats from Iraq and Iran) (3900)
U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said that the United States will stay involved in the quest for peace between
Israelis and Palestinians, and urged both sides to take steps to rebuild trust.
In a speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee in Washington March 19, Powell said the United States has
vital interests that are best served by peace between Israelis and Palestinians.
"The United States has a vital interest in the security of Israel. We also have vital economic and strategic interests
at stake in the region. And Americans care, care deeply, about the human toll that is the result of violence. We
understand full well that these interests and concerns will be served best by a peace that both Israelis and
Palestinians can embrace," Powell said.
Powell listed five ideas that will guide the Bush administration's approach to the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Powell
said those ideas are:
-- the violence must end.
-- Israelis and Palestinians need to reestablish dialogue because the status quo does not serve either side.
-- Israelis and Palestinians hold the keys to their own future. He urged both sides to avoid unilateral actions that
provoke the other, and to engage in direct negotiations.
-- both parties have a stake in the restoration of normal economic life.
-- the United States stands ready to assist the peace effort, but cannot impose a solution.
Powell said the U.S. government urges "all parties in the tense border areas touching Israel, Lebanon and Syria to
exercise maximum restraint and avoid provocative and destabilizing activities in that area." He also said that the U.S.
"continues to support a comprehensive peace in the Middle East based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and
the formula of land for peace."
With regard to Iraq, Powell said the U.S. government is "exploring new ways to strengthen the arms control elements of
the U.N. sanctions, while addressing the legitimate humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people."
Concerning Iran, Powell said the U.S. government is concerned about Iran's efforts to develop weapons of mass
destruction and increase its conventional military strength. He said the Bush administration has raised with senior
Russian officials U.S. concerns about Russia's military cooperation with Iran.
At the same time, said Powell, the U.S. government is watching "closely and hopefully" the intellectual and political
foment taking place in Iran.
Following is the text of Powell's speech as delivered:
(begin text)
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Office of the Spokesman As Delivered
REMARKS BY SECRETARY OF STATE COLIN L. POWELL AT THE AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
March 19, 2001 Washington, D.C.
SECRETARY POWELL: Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen. (Applause.) Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen, and
thank you, Tim, for that very kind introduction. It's a great pleasure to be back here to speak to AIPAC. Amazing that
it has been ten years. And it is especially charming to be introduced as the son of an immigrant to the United States
who entered the shmata business. I haven't heard that in a long time. (Laughter.)
There are many people here who don't know what that means, but I do. (Laughter and Applause.) For those of you who were
here ten years ago, you remember that there was a lot of speculation at that time that I was absolutely fluent in
Yiddish. (Laughter.) I did nothing to dispel the speculation. And when I was walking offstage to confirm it, I said,
"Well, yes, I do understand a bissel." (Laughter.)
But I am pleased to be here this morning, and especially to see so many friends in the room. AIPAC has a long and
commendable record of promoting the unique relationship that exists between the United States and Israel. Both countries
are better for your efforts, and so I thank and congratulate you for all you have done over the years. (Applause.)
We meet today in a world that is much different than that world of ten years ago, a world that is changing still more
every day before our eyes. Ours is a world no longer defined by competition between two rival theological superpower
blocs, the red and the blue side of the map; no longer engaged in a competition that had the potential to destroy
humankind in a matter of minutes.
Instead, today we find ourselves involved in complex relationships that defy easy, Cold War red-and-blue
characterizations of being either friend or foe. And making matters even more complicated is the reality that there are
new powerful phenomena that affect the way we interact with each other. Ideas and dollars and drugs and terrorists cross
national boundaries at the speed of light with impunity as a result of the information and technology revolutions. Old
concepts of borders and political definitions are being shaken by the information and technology revolutions. And all of
this presents the United States with an array of new opportunities, but also new and difficult challenges.
The Bush Administration is only two months old, so taking stock of how we are going to deal with this new world is a bit
premature. Still, some central aspects of our foreign policy are emerging. As President Bush highlighted in his address
to Congress on February 27th, we are committed to doing everything we can to promote freedom and open markets around the
world. That is what reshaping this world, the possibility of open markets and freedom reaching into the darkest corners
of the world. We are also committed to gaining trade promotion authority from the Congress so that we can expand the
horizons and dimensions of world commerce for the benefit of all peoples of the world.
And we are committed to creating a new strategic framework, one defined by lower levels of nuclear weapons and a greater
role for missile defense. This is time to change the nuclear equation of mutual assured destruction to a more sensible
strategic arrangement. (Applause.)
Little of this can happen if we work alone. President Bush has made it clear that a hallmark of our foreign policy will
be the need to consult and work closely with friends and allies. Such collaboration, for example, is at the core of our
policy with respect to Iraq. Tim touched on it a moment ago. Iraq is still a challenge which is receiving early
attention from the Bush Administration.
Our goal is to strengthen the international coalition that for a decade has helped to keep the peace in this important
part of the world. And during my recent trip to the region, I discussed with friends across the region how best to
continue to prevent the Iraqi regime from acquiring or developing weapons of mass destruction or the means to
reconstitute its military forces.
As a result of those consultations, we are now exploring ways to strengthen the arms control elements of the UN
sanctions, while addressing the legitimate humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people. And we believe this can be done and
must be done to protect the children and the people of the region from these terrible weapons. We will have more to say
about Iraq following the completion of our policy review, and after further discussions with our key partners.
The same holds true for our policy towards Iran. We are studying Iran in considerable depth within the new team. Even
now, however, it is apparent that certain aspects of Iranian Government behavior -- the support for terrorism,
repression of the rights of the Iranian people, especially those of Jewish descent, unfairly charged and harshly
imprisoned -- are of deep concern. (Applause.)
This is of deep concern to the United States and to the American people, and we will not turn aside and ignore this kind
of behavior.
We are also concerned about Iranian efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction and to increase its conventional
military strength. Indeed, I have gone so far as to raise with senior Russian officials the role that Russia is playing
in these dangerous and destabilizing efforts. We will not overlook what Russia is doing to cause this sort of problem.
(Applause.)
At the same time, we are aware of the intellectual and political foment taking place within Iran. Things are happening,
things are changing, and we will continue to watch these developments closely and hopefully.
Clearly there is a great deal going on around the world that merits our attention, from the Persian Gulf to North Korea,
and from Macedonia to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. But my focus this morning will be on the Middle East and, in
particular, on Israel and on the search for peace. And let me begin with Israel.
As Governor George W. Bush said to your conference a year ago, America and Israel have a special friendship. Ladies and
gentlemen, I am here today to reaffirm this friendship. It involves every aspect of life. (Applause.)
>From the realms of politics and economics to those of security and culture, this relationship is strong. This
relationship between fellow democracies is and will remain rock solid. (Applause.) Thank you.
It is an unconditional bond that is both deep and wide, one based on history, on interests, on values, and on principle.
We are dedicated to preserving this special relationship with Israel and the Israeli people. We recognize that Israel
lives in a very dangerous neighborhood. So we will work, we will look for ways to strengthen and expand our valuable
strategic cooperation with Israel so that we can help preserve Israel's qualitative military edge, and help ensure --
(applause).
Our collaboration in missile defense is one prominent area that comes to mind in this regard. The simple fact of the
matter is we believe that a secure Israel within international recognized borders remains a cornerstone of the United
States foreign policy. There is no substitute. (Applause.) For me, this is not just policy; it is also personal. I have
traveled to Israel on many occasions, as a young general working for the Secretary of Defense, as National Security
Advisor to President Reagan, as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff for President Bush, and just a few weeks ago as
Secretary of State for the latest President Bush.
No matter in what capacity I visited, my reaction was always the same. Israel is a country blessed with men and women of
extraordinary talent and vision and courage. From the moment of my first visit, I committed myself to doing all that I
could do to make sure that the people of Israel would always have the support they needed from me and from the United
States so that they could live in safety. (Applause.)
We meet here this morning ten years after the liberation of Kuwait, and almost ten years since the 1991 Madrid
Conference that for the first time brought Israel and all of her immediate neighbors face to face. As then-President
George Bush said, "They had come to Madrid on a mission of hope to begin work on the just, lasting and comprehensive
settlement to the conflict in the Middle East, to seek peace for a part of the world that in the long memory of man has
known far too much hatred, anguish and war."
Since Madrid, we have seen some remarkable achievements. Like many of you, I was there on the South Lawn of the White
House in September of 1993 to witness the signing of the Declaration of Principles that laid the foundation for
subsequent Israeli-Palestinian agreements, that provided most of the Palestinian people with meaningful control over
their own fate, and most Israelis with greater security. I will never forget the famous handshake in that moment of high
hope.
Just over a year later, in October 1994, we saw the signing of the Israeli-Jordan peace treaty that ended the state of
conflict between these two neighbors and resulted in the opening of embassies. More recently, in May of last year, there
was complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon under UN Security Council 425.
These momentous developments were bracketed by two important events: the repeal nearly a decade ago of the odious
Zionism as Racism Resolution in the United Nations General Assembly. And in May 2000 -- (applause) -- Israel's joining
the Western Europe and Others group, the first time Israel has gained representation in the UN regional grouping.
(Applause.)
Unfortunately, as we all know too well, these and other achievements are neither permanent nor sufficient. What has been
done can all too easily be undone. This Administration inherited the Middle East situation in which the prospects for
peace have dimmed dramatically under a seemingly endless cycle of violence, and an almost breakdown of the trust, mutual
confidence and hope that had been built up in recent years. Bullets and bombs have replaced words. Incitement and
hurtful rhetoric have replaced quiet efforts to enhance mutual understanding. Negotiations are in abeyance.
It is not my intention to spend time here today theorizing as to how we arrived at this point, or suggesting what could
or should have been done by one or another party at any particular junction. What is clear, though, is that the impact
on Israelis of failed negotiations at Camp David and the enduring violence has been nothing less than tragic. Hundreds
have been injured, scores have been killed. And for every one of these losses a family grieves. For every one of these
losses, a dream is destroyed. The sense of personal security is far weaker. The economy has suffered significantly. The
impact has also been tragic for Palestinians. Thousands have been injured. Hundreds have died. And for every one of
these losses, a family grieves. For every one of these losses, a dream is destroyed. The Palestinian economy is in
shambles, with unemployment skyrocketing and growth absent. Internal and external closures have disrupted normal
movement.
The net result of all of this is that Israelis have come to question whether a peaceful arrangement with the
Palestinians is possible, and Palestinians have come to question whether peaceful coexistence with Israel is compatible
with their own political aspirations.
We must not allow these questions to come to be answered in the negative. We cannot allow the dream of peace to perish.
It would be a tragedy for the region. (Applause.)
I have no magic formula. I cannot snap my fingers and make the current situation go away or turn it around. What I can
do, however, is to present some basic ideas that will guide the approach of the United States under the Bush
Administration as we approach the Middle East and the Israeli-Palestinian dispute in the future -- a few ideas that we
believe can contribute to the prospects for peace.
First and foremost, the violence must stop. (Applause.)
Violence is corrosive of everything the parties in the region hope to achieve. Violence saps the psychological
well-being of every child, parent and grandparent. Violence makes every life insecure. Violence provokes armed reaction,
not compromises. Leaders have the responsibility to denounce violence, strip it of legitimacy, stop it. Violence is a
dead end. (Applause.)
Second, the status quo is costly and, if allowed to drift, will only lead to greater tragedy. Neither Israelis nor
Palestinians are served by the current situation. Both sides require a dialogue that will lead to mutually acceptable
political, economic and security arrangements -- be they transitional or permanent, partial or whole.
Third, the parties themselves hold the keys to their own futures. Peace will only be at hand when leaders have the
courage and the vision to make difficult decisions and defend them to their own publics. (Applause.)
Unilateral actions sure to provoke the other side should be avoided. Turning to the United States or other outside
parties to pressure one or another party, or to impose a settlement, is not the answer. (Applause.) Debating and passing
new UN resolutions is unlikely to make a contribution. (Applause.)
In the end, there is no substitute for the give and take of direct negotiations. Peace is a cooperative endeavor. At the
end of the day, Israelis and Palestinians will either be partners or antagonists.
Fourth, both parties have a stake in the restoration of normal economic life. They need to work to rebuild the level of
trust and confidence that had existed. Israelis and Palestinians must each take steps to build confidence with the other
to provide one another with evidence that their respective leaders can then point to in order to justify their own
compromises.
And fifth, the United States stands ready to assist, not insist. (Applause.) Again, only the parties themselves can
determine the pace and scope and content of any negotiations. Each party knows full well what the other values most
dearly. Each party knows full well what the other fears most deeply. Progress will only come as statements and behavior
come to reflect this knowledge. Here, history has two useful things to teach us: Israelis and Palestinians have the
ability to make peace; and peace arrived at voluntarily by the parties themselves is likely to prove more robust and
able to withstand the inevitable pressures and setbacks than a peace widely viewed as developed by others -- or worse
yet, imposed.
The United States will stay involved. We have no intention of ignoring our responsibilities or the role we have played
in the past. The truth is, we could not turn our backs on this part of the world even if we wanted to. Vital US
interests are at stake. The United States has a vital interest in the security of Israel. We also have vital economic
and strategic interests at stake in the region. And Americans care, care deeply, about the human toll that is the result
of violence. We understand full well that these interests and concerns will be served best by a peace that both Israelis
and Palestinians can embrace.
For these reasons, the United States will not be silent. We will speak out if we hear words or see actions that
contribute to confrontation or detract from the promise of negotiations. We will not strive for some arbitrary measure
of even-handedness when responsibility is not evenly shared. (Applause.)
Other states of the region and beyond have a role to play in stabilizing the environment for Israelis and Palestinians.
These other states should be voices of moderation, counseling pragmatism and realism, and providing support for acts of
statesmanship.
It is also important that they match words with deeds. I note, for example, that no Arab state now maintains a resident
ambassador in Israel. This is most unfortunate. (Applause.)
My emphasis today on Israel and the Palestinians does not signal a lack of interest in other potential areas for
diplomacy. On the contrary, the United States continues to support a comprehensive peace in the Middle East, one based
on UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338, and the formula of land for peace. We very much hope that Israel and
Syria and Israel and Lebanon will find a mutually acceptable means to resume talks on each of these two tracks.
In the meantime, we strongly urge and have strongly urged all the parties in the tense border areas touching Israel,
Lebanon and Syria to exercise maximum restraint and avoid any provocative and destabilizing activities. The Israeli
decision to withdrawal from southern Lebanon creates a major opportunity for stability that should not be squandered.
This week, President Bush and I, along with other senior members of this Administration, will have the opportunity to
sit down with the new Prime Minister of Israel. I have known Prime Minister Sharon for many years. I look forward to
resuming the conversation that began during my recent trip while Mr. Sharon was still the Prime Minister-elect. He now
has a government in place, and President Bush will want to hear his views on reinforcing our bilateral relations, on his
intentions with respect to peace negotiations, and on regional issues of mutual importance.
In the weeks ahead, several of the most prominent leaders of the Arab world, including President Mubarak of Egypt and
King Abdullah of Jordan, will also be visiting Washington. Here again, we look forward to having the benefit of the
perspectives of these good friends of the United States.
The United States has no monopoly in wisdom. We are open, indeed anxious, to hear the views of others, to hear the views
of all, to take into account the aspirations of all, the needs of all, and to determine what it is we can all do
together to promote the prospects for peace in the region.
The need to reverse recent momentum could not be more apparent. It is difficult to speak of the contemporary Middle East
and not speak of tragedy. Here we stand, at the dawn of the 21st century, and here with the potential to bring more
peace and prosperity and freedom to more people than have ever enjoyed such fruits of life in the history of the world.
The Middle East stands out, but hardly in a way to be envied. Too much of today's Middle East is mired in old disputes,
too many resources are being devoted to the instruments of war, too many lies are being cut short.
I look forward to the day when the children of this region -- all the children of this region -- can grow up to be full
participants in their own societies and enjoy the fruits of globalization. This can only happen when parents and schools
teach peace and not hatred -- (applause) -- when people are able to focus on the quality of their lives, a Middle East
where normal people lead normal lives, where all the peoples of the region can share in the blessings of the blessed
land that they occupy.
Ladies and gentlemen, I try not to make a habit of quoting myself, but I will break this rule today for two reasons:
first, I prefer not to end these remarks on so sober a note; and second, some words are worth repeating, wherein the
repetition may communicate not only an idea, but the reality that the idea has endured.
With this in mind, I want to go back ten years to March 19th, 1991, when I last had the opportunity to address this
distinguished organization. At that time, I said the following: "We have stood with Israel since the day of its
founding; we have stood with Israel throughout its history; we have demonstrated again and again that our roots are
intertwined, as they are with all nations who share our beliefs in openness and democracy. So let there be no question
about our commitment to Israel; let there be no question that America will stand by Israel today; and let there be no
question that America will stand by Israel in the future."
Today I am proud to say these words remain true. Today I am proud to stand in front of you, not as Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces of the United States, but as the Secretary of State of the United States of America.
(Applause.) The Secretary of State has been given the privilege to helping President Bush formulate and execute his
foreign policy, and we will have no greater priority than to work with Israel, to work with the Palestinians, to work
with all the others in the region to bring peace, a peace that surpasses all understanding of peace that the region
needs.
I'm a former person of war, now I will pursue peace for all the peoples of the region. Shalom.
(Applause.)
(end text)
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