Cablegate: Zimbabwe: Goods Produced with Forced or Exploitive Child

VZCZCXRO0764

RR RUEHBZ RUEHDU RUEHJO RUEHMR RUEHRN

DE RUEHSB #0156/01 0541025

ZNR UUUUU ZZH

R 231023Z FEB 10

FM AMEMBASSY HARARE

TO RUEHC/DEPT OF LABOR WASHINGTON DC

RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 0081

INFO SOUTHERN AF DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY COLLECTIVE

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 17 HARARE 000156

SIPDIS

AF/S FOR BWALCH

DRL FOR NWILETT, MMITTELHAUSER, AND TDANG

EEB FOR BBROOKS-RUBIN

DOL/ILAB FOR LEYLA STROTKAMP

DRL/ILCSR FOR SARAH MORGAN

G/TIP FOR LUIS CDEBACA

E.O. 12958: N/A

TAGS: ELAB PREL PREF PHUM KTIP ZI

SUBJECT: Zimbabwe: Goods Produced With Forced or Exploitive Child

Labor

REF: STATE 131995

1. This cable provides information relevant to the Trafficking

Victims Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA) of 2005, as

described reftel, by providing details on goods produced in

Zimbabwe with forced labor and exploitive child labor and

government efforts to investigate and eliminate forced and

exploitive child labor. Reports from the government, the

International Labor Organization (ILO), industry, and

non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that follow labor issues

indicate that the vast majority of child labor in Zimbabwe is not

forced and occurs in a family work setting.

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RESPONSES TO TASKING 1/TVPRA:

DIAMONDS AND GOLD

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2. The answers below are keyed in response to tasking 1/TVPRA as

posted in paragraph 15 of reftel.

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1A) Good: Diamonds

(NOTE: This section updates information

in post's 2009 response. END NOTE.)

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1B) Type of exploitation found in the production of the good:

Forced labor of both adults and children and exploitative child

labor. Workers are often forced to dig for or sort diamonds under

threat of armed soldiers who organize workers into "syndicates."

The workers receive a portion of the diamonds that they mine and

are forced to turn over a larger portion to the soldiers. Illegal

miners who refuse to work for soldiers' syndicates have been shot,

injured, and killed for refusing to work. Since approximately

November 2009, two companies have been working in Chiadzwa, Mbada

Diamond Mining Company and Canadile Miners. There are reports that

both companies have forced their employees to work extended hours,

including weekends, while refusing to pay overtime. Mbada and

Canadile reportedly call on soldiers to "discipline" their

employees with beatings when they are suspected of stealing or do

not meet their work duties.

1C) Sources of information and years: Since late 2008 numerous

credible NGOs, local chiefs, and villagers surrounding the Marange

(also known as Chiadzwa) diamond field in eastern Zimbabwe have

reported that both forced labor and exploitative child labor occur

in Marange. A local NGO, the Centre for Research and Development

(CRD) has issued numerous press releases and reports describing

labor violations in Marange. Despite the entrance of Mbada and

Canadile in Chiadzwa, there are continued credible reports that

soldiers have maintained syndicates and are continuing to force

informal miners to dig in addition to threatening employees of

Mbada and Canadile. A number of news articles and human rights

reports on Marange diamonds are available online at:

http://www.diamonds.net/Zimbabwe/. International NGOs including

Partnership Africa Canada and Human Rights Watch have conducted

independent investigations, verifying these claims. PAC's report

"Zimbabwe, Diamonds and the Wrong Side of History" is available

online at:

http://www.pacweb.org/e/images/stories/docume nts/18_zimbabwe-diamon

ds_march09-eng.pdf. In June 2009 Human Rights Watch released a

report, "Diamonds in the Rough: Human Rights Abuses in the Marange

Diamond Fields of Zimbabwe," which is available online at:

http://www.hrw.org/node/83960. On November 24, 2009 the RapNet

diamond trading network announced it was banning diamonds from

Marange, in part due to ongoing human rights violations:

http://www.diamonds.net/PressReleases/PressRe lease.aspx?ArticleID=2

8763. A December 2009 article in Fast Company Magazine included an

extensive article describing abuses in Marange and is consistent

with reports we have received from other sources in Zimbabwe:

http://www.fastcompany.com/magazine/141/speci al-report-bloody-shame

.html.

1D) Narrative: Between late 2006 and approximately November 2009,

villagers and children from communities surrounding the alluvial

diamond field near Marange in Manicaland abandoned jobs and school

and engaged in small-scale diamond mining, primarily by digging.

Up until late 2008, this mining was not forced or exploitive.

Children and adults alike dug and sold diamonds to local

syndicates.

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Around October 2008, security forces moved in to allegedly "clean

up" the diamond field and expel the illegal miners. NGOs estimate

that between October and December at least 200 people were killed

in this operation; some bodies were taken to the morgue in nearby

Mutare and others were buried in mass and individual graves near

the diamond fields. During the take-over by security forces,

soldiers and police formed "syndicates" of illegal diggers.

According to reports, these syndicates are formed mostly by men,

but they also include children -- mostly boys -- as young as 11,

who come to Marange of their own will to dig. Schools in the

surrounding area are reportedly empty, giving credence to the

claims that children prefer mining to school. Forced and

exploitive labor occurs when these security forces force the miners

to dig until meeting a quota or beat miners severely if they are

suspected of stealing or if they are not able to meet the quota.

Soldiers also reportedly fire "warning shots" to force the miners,

including children, to dig faster. Some workers have fled the area

on foot, walking many miles to escape the area. Soldiers

reportedly allow the diggers to keep lower-grade industrial

diamonds while taking the higher-grade, gem-quality diamonds for

themselves. In 2008 NGOs reported that security forces had rounded

up people from the streets, taken them to Marange, and forced them

to dig under armed guard; however, these reports did not continue

in 2009.

In November 2009, two recently formed companies, Mbada Diamond

Mining and Canadile Miners, began digging in the area, with the

approval of the Zimbabwean government. According to NGO reports,

soldiers continue to form syndicates of local informal miners who

are forced to work under armed guard and under threat of violence

in unfenced areas near the Canadile and Mbada sites. In addition,

Mbada and Canadile have reportedly forced employees to work

overtime without compensation and have not established adequate

sanitation facilities (e.g. toilets and running water) at the

sites.

There have also been consistent reports about women and girls as

young as 14 who have been recruited or trafficked to the Marange

area to work as prostitutes for the miners and soldiers. Because

access to the site is limited, we are unsure how many women and

girls might be working there as prostitutes.

Because the military has sealed off all roads leading to the area

and many people fear for their lives if they disclose activities

occurring in Marange, accurate information on the labor situation

remains difficult to obtain and nearly impossible to confirm. Four

reliable local NGOs have provided this information verbally and two

have provided written reports. The Mutare-based NGO the Centre for

Research and Development (CRD) has researched and documented human

rights and labor rights abuses at the site and issued numerous

press releases on Chiadzwa since early 2009. Other local NGOs

gathering this data prefer to remain anonymous for their own

safety.

1E) Prevalence: The Marange/Chiadzwa diamond field is one of three

diamond mining sites in Zimbabwe and is the only site where forced

labor and exploitive child labor is believed to exist. There are

two other diamond mines in Zimbabwe -- Murowa Mine and River Ranch

Mine. Murowa Mine is owned by Murowa Diamonds, a member of the Rio

Tinto Group of Companies. River Ranch is the subject of a property

dispute; however, the dispute has not led to the lawless situation

experienced in Marange/Chiadzwa.

1F) Host government, industry, or NGO efforts specifically designed

to combat forced labor of adults or children in production of

goods: The inclusive government claims to have regained control of

the area and to have peacefully eliminated all illegal activity,

including forced and child labor. However, Post continues to

receive reports that security forces are beating illegal diamond

diggers, sometimes fatally. We do not know to what extent children

have been affected or to what extent children and women are being

exploited, particularly as victims of rape.

---------------------

1A) Good: Gold

---------------------

1B) Type of exploitation found in the production of the good:

Exploitative child labor (likely to harm the health, safety, or

morals of children).

1C) Sources of information and years: As reported in 2009, the

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local NGO that follows child labor, Coalition Against Child Labor

in Zimbabwe (CACLAZ), verbally reported continued gold panning and

mining by children. In 2009, CACLAZ was able to visit sites and

gather additional documentation of child labor that was unavailable

to us in the report submitted by post in April 2009.

1D) Narrative: Children ages 12-16, mostly boys, work on

small-scale gold panning and mining. Near Shurugwi, in Midlands

Province, boys often dig for gold in abandoned commercial gold

mines at considerable risk to their safety. In other areas,

principally near Kwekwe, Bindura, and Mazowe, boys are involved in

alluvial gold panning. In both situations, boys work for their

parents, another adult in the community or on their own to raise

additional funds for their families. Children may also help during

the chemical processing of gold, which often includes cyanide

and/or mercury. However, there is limited public information on

child labor involving use of dangerous chemicals in gold mining. In

February 2009, The Guardian newspaper produced a short video

documenting informal gold panning in Zimbabwe, including teenagers

panning in lieu of attending school:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/video/2009/fe b/11/zimbabwe-gold-pan

ning-starvation-food.

1E) Prevalence: Post does not have reports of forced labor in

larger-scale commercial gold mines.

1F) Efforts to combat use of children in production of goods:

Because the scale of informal gold mining is unknown and government

resources are limited, the government has not demonstrated an

effort to combat the use of children in informal gold mining.

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RESPONSES TO TASKING 2/TDA

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3. Per reftel, please find below Post's response to questions

regarding the worst forms of child labor in Zimbabwe. Responses are

keyed in reference to questions posed in paragraph 21.

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2A) Prevalence and sectoral distribution

of exploitive child labor

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1) In addition to production of goods, as listed above and in our

2009 submission, children are also engaged in exploitive labor as

household domestics, street vending, and -- to a limited extent --

selling illegal drugs. Accurate statistics on the sectors in which

children work and goods and activities that result from child labor

remain difficult to obtain. NGOs report that HIV/AIDS orphans, one

in four children in Zimbabwe, are particularly vulnerable. 90

percent of these children are taken in by their extended family,

but the family often foregoes paying their school fees in favor of

economic activity. Children are involved primarily in agriculture,

mining, domestic labor, and the informal economy. Children are

engaged in: all aspects of tobacco farming from planting to

preparation of leaves for sale; in the forestry regions of the

eastern highlands, moving and cutting logs; picking and sorting tea

and coffee on plantations and small farms; work on cotton farms;

and work as informal miners. In cities, Harare in particular,

children commonly work as street vendors and guarding cars.

Throughout the country, children -- girls in particular -- work as

domestics, often for family members. Information on the extent to

which child labor occurred in the production of commercial products

was not available, but most believe it is limited.

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2) There are no recent publicly available child labor statistics.

A child labor survey conducted in October 2008 in a joint effort by

the Ministry of Labor, the International Labor Organization,

UNICEF, IOM, and UNESCO has not yet been publicly released.

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2B) Laws and regulations proscribing

the worst forms of child labor

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1) No new laws were passed during the reporting period.

2) Civil society leaders do not believe the regulatory framework is

adequate to combat exploitive child labor. Specifically, they say

that vague language in the Labor Act leaves children vulnerable to

exploitive labor and fails to clearly define what is acceptable for

children between 13 and 15 versus children between 15 and 18. The

criminal code provides adequate penalties to punish and deter

violations; however, the government's lack of resources severely

impedes its ability to investigate cases and enforce child labor

laws. Child labor is punishable by a fine, two years' imprisonment,

or both. Child labor is addressed under the Labor Act, which

declares a child between the ages of 13 and 15 can work as an

apprentice or if the work is an integral part of (or in conjunction

with) "a course of training or technical or vocational education."

It is also addressed in the Children's Act which provides for the

protection, welfare, and supervision of children; the act was

amended to take into consideration the worst forms of child labor

and makes it an offense to exploit or abuse children in the process

of involvement in child work. The status of children between 15

and 18 years of age is not directly addressed, but 15 years of age

is still the minimum for light work, work other than

apprenticeship, or work associated with vocational education.

-- The law prohibits compulsory or forced labor, including by

children, but provides exceptions in cases where such labor is

required from a member of a disciplined force, the national youth

service, or parents.

-- The Labor Act further states that no person under 18 shall

perform any work likely to jeopardize that person's health, safety,

or morals.

-- The constitution and law prohibit forced or compulsory labor,

including by children, with the exception of working for parents or

the national youth service; however, there were reports that such

practices occurred. No law specifically prohibits trafficking in

persons. However, the law does prohibit various types of sexual

exploitation, including the transportation of individuals across

the border for sexual purposes and procuring individuals for

prostitution either inside Zimbabwe or internationally. It is a

crime under the Criminal Code to transport persons across the

border for sex. Traffickers also can be prosecuted under other

legislation such as immigration and abduction laws.

-- Forced labor is punishable by a fine, two years' imprisonment,

or both. The law provides penalties of a fine and up to two years

of imprisonment for those convicted of procuring individuals for

prostitution, and it provides a stronger penalty of up to 10 years

of imprisonment in cases involving the procurement of children

under 10.

-- Per the National Service Act, the minimum age for recruitment

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for national or military service is 18 years of age. The minimum

age for joining the national youth service is 16 years of age. In

2003 the government announced its intention to make national

service compulsory for all students, starting in primary school,

but there were no reports that the government implemented this

requirement.

-- On October 1, 2007, the Ministry of Public Service, Labor, and

Social Welfare signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the

International Labor Organization (ILO), United Nations Children's

Fund (UNICEF), International Organization for Migration (IOM), and

United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization

(UNESCO) to collaborate on a two-phased program on Elimination of

the Worst Forms of Child Labor. The program is expected to address

child labor issues and the implementation of ILO Convention 182,

including identifying the worst forms of child labor and

implementing activities pertaining to the prevention of child labor

and protection of working children. The first phase of the project

to define the worst forms of child labor in the Zimbabwe context

was expected to start in December 2007, with the results expected

in early 2008. However, at the end of 2009, the results of the

report were not yet publicly available. Although these results

were expected to be available by June 2009, the report remains

unpublished for unclear reasons. These results of the evaluation

are to be used to develop an action plan in Phase 2.

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2C, Section I: Institutions and mechanisms

for enforcement: hazardous child labor

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1) What agency or agencies was/were responsible for enforcement of

laws relating to hazardous child labor?

The Ministry of Labor's Department of Social Welfare is responsible

for enforcement of labor laws and the Ministry of Justice, Legal,

and Parliamentary Affairs oversees the labor courts. The Zimbabwe

Republic Police are responsible for criminal law enforcement.

2) If multiple agencies were responsible for enforcement, were

there mechanisms for exchanging information? Assess their

effectiveness.

Ministries appear to be relatively ineffective with exchanging

information with regards to hazardous child labor. Civil society

organizations were unaware of cooperation between the ministries.

The government, across all law enforcement and regulatory agencies,

lacks the necessary resources to adequately conduct inspections and

investigations and to prosecute violations of child labor laws.

3) Did the country maintain a mechanism for making complaints about

hazardous child labor violations? If so, how many complaints were

received in the reporting period?

There are no formalized mechanisms for making complaints about

hazardous child labor. If someone wanted to complain, he or she

would have to seek a meeting with an official in the Ministry of

Labor. The Ministry did not keep detailed records of child labor

complaints.

4) What amount of funding was provided to agencies responsible for

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inspections? Was this amount adequate? Did inspectors have

sufficient office facilities, transportation, fuel, and other

necessities to carry out inspections?

The 2009 budget for the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare was

USD 39.2 million, of which just USD 446,000 was devoted to labor.

The vast majority of the budget was spent on social welfare

programs. Within labor, the government devoted a total of USD

124,000 to wages. It was not clear how much, if any, was dedicated

to child labor. The government did not devote adequate resources

to carry out inspections of exploitive child labor.

5) How many inspectors did the government employ? Was the number

of inspectors adequate?

Unfortunately we were unable to obtain a meeting with the Ministry

of Labor and Social Welfare officials that handle child labor

issues. Consequently, we were unable to obtain detailed

information on child labor inspections, investigations, or

prosecutions. NGOs and union officials, however, told us that they

are unaware of any labor investigations being conducted in recent

years. By way of comparison, one union official told us that there

are only two safety inspectors in all of Zimbabwe. According to

NGOs, unions, and international organizations based in Harare,

there are no police, law enforcement officials, or inspectors

dedicated to specifically address exploitive child labor. The

Coalition Against Child Labor in Zimbabwe (CACLAZ) is advocating

that the government allocate law enforcement resources specifically

to address child labor.

6) How many inspections involving child labor were carried out?

We are unaware of any investigations or arrests of persons for

child labor-related violations.

7) How many children were removed/assisted as a result of

inspections? Were these children actually provided or referred for

services as a result?

We are unaware of any children who were removed or assisted as a

result of inspections of hazardous child labor.

8) How many child labor cases or prosecutions were opened?

We are unaware of any child labor cases or prosecutions for

hazardous child labor.

9) How many child labor cases were closed or resolved?

We are unaware of any child labor cases that were closed or

resolved.

10) How many violations were found or "convictions" reached?

We are unaware of any violations or convictions of exploitive child

labor.

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11) What is the average length of time it took to resolve child

labor cases?

Because we could not meet with government officials, we do not have

information regarding the average length of time it took to resolve

child labor cases.

12) In cases in which violations were found, were penalties

actually applied, either through fines paid or jail sentences

served? Did such sentences meet penalties established in the law?

Unknown.

13) Did the experience regarding questions 7 through 10 reflect a

commitment to combat hazardous child labor?

Unfortunately, the government does not demonstrate significant

commitment to combat hazardous child labor. However, there is the

will within the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare to dedicate

more time and attention to the issue.

14) Did government offer any training for investigators or others

responsible for enforcement? If so, what (if any) impact have

these trainings had?

No, government did not have the staff or capacity to provide

investigators with training specific for either hazardous or forced

child labor. According to the ILO, the Ministry of Labor has

requested additional training specifically regarding child labor

for its investigators and labor court officials. Funding to

provide such training has not yet been found.

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2C, Section II: Institutions and mechanisms

for enforcement: exploitive child labor

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1) What agency or agencies was/were responsible for enforcement of

laws relating to exploitive child labor?

The Ministry of Labor's Department of Social Welfare is responsible

for enforcement of labor laws and the Ministry of Justice, Legal,

and Parliamentary Affairs oversees the labor courts. The Zimbabwe

Republic Police are responsible for criminal law enforcement.

2) If multiple agencies were responsible for enforcement, were

there mechanisms for exchanging information? Assess their

effectiveness.

Ministries appear to be relatively ineffective with exchanging

information with regards to exploitive child labor. Civil society

organizations were unaware of tangible signs of cooperation between

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the ministries aside from a steering committee. The government,

across all law enforcement and regulatory agencies, lacks the

necessary resources to adequately conduct inspections and

investigations and to prosecute violations of child labor laws.

3) Did the country maintain a mechanism for making complaints about

exploitive child labor violations? If so, how many complaints were

received in the reporting period?

There are no formalized mechanisms for making complaints about

exploitive child labor. If someone wanted to complain, he or she

would have to seek a meeting with an official in the Ministry of

Labor. The Ministry did not keep detailed records of child labor

complaints separately from other labor complaints.

4) What amount of funding was provided to agencies responsible for

inspections? Was this amount adequate? Did inspectors have

sufficient office facilities, transportation, fuel, and other

necessities to carry out inspections?

See the response to number 4 in question 2C, Section I.

5) How many inspectors did the government employ? Was the number

of inspectors adequate?

See the response to number 5 in question 2C, Section I.

6) How many inspections involving child labor were carried out?

See the response to number 6 in question 2C, Section I.

7) How many children were removed/assisted as a result of

inspections? Were these children actually provided or referred for

services as a result?

See the response to number 7 in question 2C, Section I.

8) How many child labor cases or prosecutions were opened?

See the response to number 8 in question 2C, Section I.

9) How many child labor cases were closed or resolved?

See the response to number 9 in question 2C, Section I.

10) How many violations were found or "convictions" reached?

See the response to number 10 in question 2C, Section I.

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11) What is the average length of time it took to resolve child

labor cases?

See the response to number 11 in question 2C, Section I.

12) In cases in which violations were found, were penalties

actually applied, either through fines paid or jail sentences

served? Did such sentences meet penalties established in the law?

Not applicable.

13) Did the experience regarding questions 7 through 10 reflect a

commitment to combat exploitive child labor?

The government has a steering committee regarding child labor that

is led by the Ministry of Labor. Unfortunately, due to a

widespread lack of government resources, the steering committee has

not been able to expand its efforts beyond the 2008 child labor

report that is still pending publication. Until the report is made

public and a broader audience can scrutinize the results, it is

unlikely that the government will be able to demonstrate action

against exploitive child labor.

14) Did government offer any training for investigators or others

responsible for enforcement? If so, what (if any) impact have

these trainings had?

No, government did not have the staff or capacity to provide

investigators with training specific for either hazardous or forced

child labor.

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2D, Section I: Institutional Mechanisms

for Effective Enforcement of Child Trafficking

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1) Did the country have agencies or personnel dedicated to

enforcement of child trafficking? How many investigators/social

workers/dedicated police officers did the government employ to

conduct investigations? If there were no dedicated agencies or

personnel, provide an estimate for the number of people who were

responsible for such investigations. Was the number of

investigators adequate?

Because child trafficking is not a crime, there are no

investigators, social workers, or police officers dedicated to

investigating child trafficking.

2) How much funding was provided to agencies responsible for

investigating child trafficking? Was this amount adequate? Did

investigators have sufficient office facilities, transportation,

fuel, and other necessities to carry out investigations?

Because child trafficking is not a crime, there are no funds

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dedicated to investigate child trafficking.

3) Did the country maintain a hotline or other mechanism for

reporting child trafficking? If so, how many complaints were

received in the reporting period?

The government does not maintain a hotline for reports of child

trafficking, CSEC, or children in illicit activities. A local NGO,

Oasis Zimbabwe, manages an anti-trafficking hotline that is funded

by IOM. Unfortunately, repeated problems with the phone line

during the year prevented the hotline from functioning. Another

NGO, Childline, launched a free 24-hour hotline in November 2009.

Childline is a well-established NGO throughout Zimbabwe and is

mostly known for responding to cases of child abuse, although

callers could report other issues. Childline was unable to provide

us with statistics of calls received in 2009. Unfortunately,

Childline's hotline has also experienced problems in its first few

months of operation.

4) How many investigations were opened in regard to child

trafficking?

Because child trafficking is not a crime under Zimbabwean law,

there were no investigations opened in regard to child trafficking.

5) How many children were rescued as a result?

None.

6) How many child trafficking arrests were made or other kinds of

prosecutions carried out?

None, because child trafficking is not a crime under Zimbabwean

law.

7) How many child trafficking cases were closed or resolved?

None, because child trafficking is not a crime under Zimbabwean

law.

8) How many child trafficking convictions?

None, because child trafficking is not a crime under Zimbabwean

law.

9) Did sentences imposed meet standards established in the legal

framework?

Not applicable.

10) Were sentences imposed actually served?

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Not applicable.

11) What is the average length of time it takes to resolve cases of

child trafficking?

Not applicable.

12) Did the government offer any training for investigators or

others responsible for enforcement of child trafficking?

Government officials attended trainings on trafficking sponsored

and conducted by the International Office for Migration. The

government did not offer its own training on trafficking, primarily

because of a lack of capacity and a lack of legal mandate.

Government officials, however, agree that child trafficking is an

issue and that they need more training and sensitization on the

issue.

13) If the country experienced armed conflict during the reporting

period or in the recent past involving use of child soldiers, what

actions were taken to penalize those responsible?

During the 2008 elections, groups of "ZANU-PF youths" formed

militias that participated widely in violence, torture, and other

human rights abuses. These groups were informal and there are no

known records of members or their ages. While some community

members reported to NGOs in numerous communities across Zimbabwe

that they knew members of the militia who were under 18, there is

no documentary evidence of this. Since the inclusive government

was formed in February 2009, these youth militias have been

relatively inactive.

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2D, Section II: Institutional Mechanisms

for Effective Enforcement of Commercial

Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC)

--------------------------------------------- ---------

1) Did the country have agencies or personnel dedicated to

enforcement of CSEC? How many investigators/social

workers/dedicated police officers did the government employ to

conduct investigations? If there were no dedicated agencies or

personnel, provide an estimate for the number of people who were

responsible for such investigations. Was the number of

investigators adequate?

There were no officers specifically designated for enforcement of

CSEC. Police were not able to provide an estimate of how many

investigators were responsible for such investigations.

2) How much funding was provided to agencies responsible for

investigating child CSEC? Was this amount adequate? Did

investigators have sufficient office facilities, transportation,

fuel, and other necessities to carry out investigations?

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No funding was dedicated to investigations of CSEC. According to

civil society organizations that operate in border towns such as

Beitbridge, there is "rampant" child prostitution involving girls

as young as 10 in communities. Police are reportedly aware that

such prostitution rings and brothels that are exploiting children

exist but have not made appropriate arrests or investigations.

3) Did the country maintain a hotline or other mechanism for

reporting CSEC? If so, how many complaints were received in the

reporting period?

The government does not maintain a hotline for reports of child

trafficking, CSEC, or children in illicit activities. The NGO,

Childline, launched a free 24-hour hotline in November 2009.

Childline is a well-established NGO throughout Zimbabwe and is

mostly known for responding to cases of child abuse, although

callers could report other issues. Childline was unable to provide

us with statistics of calls received in 2009. Unfortunately,

Childline's hotline experienced problems in its first few months of

operation.

4) How many investigations were opened in regard to CSEC?

Post could not find any evidence of cases opened in regard to CSEC.

5) How many children were rescued as a result?

None.

6) How many CSEC arrests were made or other kinds of prosecutions

carried out?

Post could not find any evidence of CSEC arrests of prosecutions.

7) How many CSEC cases were closed or resolved?

Post could not find any evidence of CSEC cases closed or resolved.

8) How many CSEC convictions?

Post could not find any evidence of any CSEC convictions

9) Did sentences imposed meet standards established in the legal

framework?

Not applicable

10) Were sentences imposed actually served?

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Not applicable.

11) What is the average length of time it takes to resolve cases of

CSEC?

Unknown.

12) Did the government offer any training for investigators or

others responsible for enforcement of CSEC?

Government officials attended trainings on trafficking sponsored

and conducted by the International Office for Migration. The

government did not offer its own training on CSEC, primarily

because of a pervasive belief that CSEC is not a problem in

Zimbabwe. NGOs have told us of isolated cases of children,

particularly orphans, working in prostitution in urban areas and

near some border crossings. However, information remains limited.

Child prostitution is discussed in the Ministry of Labor's 2008

report and is clearly an area the government knows needs to be

addressed.

13) If the country experienced armed conflict during the reporting

period or in the recent past involving use of child soldiers, what

actions were taken to penalize those responsible?

See 2D, Section I, question 13.

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2D, Section III: Institutional Mechanisms

for Effective Enforcement of Use of

Children in Illicit Activities

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1) Did the country have agencies or personnel dedicated to

enforcement of use of children in illicit activities? How many

investigators/social workers/dedicated police officers did the

government employ to conduct investigations? If there were no

dedicated agencies or personnel, provide an estimate for the number

of people who were responsible for such investigations. Was the

number of investigators adequate?

There are no investigators, social workers, or police officers

dedicated specifically to investigate use of children in illicit

activities. Unpublished research data suggests that most children

involved in illicit activities (mostly selling marijuana and other

volatile substances, such as glue) are orphans who are living on

the streets. Children living on the streets are often treated as a

nuisance rather than victims.

2) How much funding was provided to agencies responsible for

investigating use of children in illicit activities? Was this

amount adequate? Did investigators have sufficient office

facilities, transportation, fuel, and other necessities to carry

out investigations?

There were no funds dedicated specifically to investigate use of

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children in illicit activities.

3) Did the country maintain a hotline or other mechanism for

reporting use of children in illicit activities? If so, how many

complaints were received in the reporting period?