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E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/07/10
INDEX:
(1) PM Hatoyama to appoint "anti-Ozawa" Yukio Edano as his assistant
in charge of administrative reform (Mainichi)
(2) Hatoyama administration's diplomatic issues (Asahi)
(3) "Japan@the World" column: The administration's diplomatic
ability put to test (Asahi)
(4) Alliance of subordination -- 50 years after revision of
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (Part 1): Futenma issue (Akahata)
(5) MOFA sets up office to accelerate study on accession to Hague
Convention (Asahi)
(6) Local suffrage for permanent foreign residents: Fear of current
status of Japan's ethnic Koreans becoming perennial (Yomiuri)
ARTICLES:
(1) PM Hatoyama to appoint "anti-Ozawa" Yukio Edano as his assistant
in charge of administrative reform
MAINICHI (Top play) (Full)
Evening, January 1, 2010
Nariyuki Tanaka, Tetsuya Kageyama
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama began on Jan. 7 arrangements to
appoint former Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Policy Research
Committee Chairman Yukio Edano, 45, as his assistant. Edano will be
in charge of administrative reform, and Hatoyama intends to ask him
to support the work of State Minister for Administrative Reform
Yoshito Sengoku, who will be serving concurrently as state minister
for national strategy after Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii's
resignation. A formal cabinet decision on this appointment will be
made shortly. Edano is one of the most prominent DPJ Diet members
who distance themselves from Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa. He has
not held an important post so far, but will now occupy an
influential position in the government.
Edano was the overall coordinator for the government's budget
screening process last November and took the lead in negotiating
with the ministries. In December, he became one of the 12 Diet
members tasked with assisting the National Strategy Office and
Government Revitalization Unit.
However, the Diet Law stipulates that only 17 Diet members can join
the administration as prime minister or cabinet ministers, 22 as
senior vice ministers, 26 as parliamentary secretaries, 5 as prime
minister's assistants, and 3 as deputy chief cabinet secretaries,
making a total of 74. Therefore, Edano had not been able to join the
administration legally up until now. With his appointment as
assistant to the Prime Minister, he will now be able to participate
in government meetings, among other things. It is expected that he
will take charge of the reform of independent administrative
agencies and public welfare corporations after his formal
appointment.
Edano is a leading Diet member who distances himself from Ozawa. In
the presidential election of September 2008, he had once indicated
his intention to run against Ozawa. It is believed that the
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appointment of Edano is at the request of Sengoku, who also
distances himself from Ozawa. It is possible that this may annoy the
Ozawa camp.
Two close confidants of Hatoyama, Yoshikatsu Nakayama and Katsuya
Ogawa were appointed as prime minister's assistants at the time the
Hatoyama cabinet was launched in September. Satoshi Arai, who became
an assistant in October, is a close aide to Deputy Prime Minister
Naoto Kan and is in charge of national strategy. Seiji Aizaka, who
took up the post in December, is responsible for decentralization of
power, assisting Internal Affairs Minister Kazuhiro Haraguchi.
(2) Hatoyama administration's diplomatic issues
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
January 6, 2010
Futenma relocation: High hurdle for continued use of Futenma
heliport facility
Keiichi Kaneko
In reference to the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air
Station in his press conference at the beginning of the year, Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama clearly stated on Jan. 4: "I promise to
reach a conclusion by a certain date." He intends to decide on a
replacement site for the Futenma base and reach an agreement with
the U.S. government in May. However, gaining understanding from
local municipalities is the main premise for the central government
to decide on a relocation site. In addition, it is extremely
difficult for the government to obtain the U.S. government's consent
to its plan.
As the second-best plan, the idea is being floated that the
continued use of the present Futenma heliport facility should be
allowed after relocating part of training activities based on
Futenma to an island in the prefecture. Yet, the government has to
clear two hurdles: one is to secure local understanding and the
other is to convince Washington.
Last fall Hatoyama could have made an anguished decision to go along
with the plan to relocate Futenma to the Henoko district in Nago
City, Okinawa Prefecture. However, he postponed a conclusion for the
present because he gave priority to maintaining the coalition
framework. Last December Democratic Party of Japan Secretary General
Ichiro Ozawa expressed a negative view toward the relocation of
Futenma to Henoko. As a result, the possibility of implementing the
existing plan has gradually diminished.
One result of the change in government is probably that the new
government has obtained the opportunity to review the diplomatic
strategies of former governments, Japan-U.S. relations, and the
presence of U.S. forces in Japan. Although we feel impatient, we
should wait for the Hatoyama administration to find a better
option.
Secret deal issue: ban on introduction of nuclear weapons to become
focal point
Masahiro Tsuruoka
This year, the committee of experts, chaired by University of Tokyo
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Professor Shinichi Kitaoka, will formulate a report on the Foreign
Ministry's investigation into secret Japan-U.S. agreements,
including the secret accord on introducing nuclear weapons. This
year also will likely be a year of Japan's nuclear policy to be
called into question head on.
The secret accord on introducing nuclear weapons was reached between
Tokyo and Washington in 1960 when the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty was
revised. The secret nuclear deal stipulates that calls at Japanese
ports by U.S. ships and by aircraft carrying nuclear weapons do not
fall into the category of nuclear introduction, for which prior
consultations between the two countries are required. The Japanese
side's documents supporting the existence of records on discussions
were discovered through the ministry's investigation. In connection
with the secret accord concluded in 1972 when Okinawa was returned
to Japanese rule, the document, signed by then Prime Minister Eisaku
Sato and U.S. President Richard Nixon, had been kept as a personal
memento of Sato.
If the committee acknowledges the existence of the secret accord on
introducing nuclear weapons, the discrepancy with the three
non-nuclear principles of not producing, possessing, or allowing
entry of nuclear weapons to Japan will become the subject of
debate.
During the campaign for the House of Representatives election last
year, Hatoyama pledged to call for Washington's assurance not to
bring nuclear weapons into Japan. Until the House of Councillors
election this summer, he has to give consideration to the Social
Democratic Party (SDP), one of the junior coalition partners, which
has called for giving the three non-nuclear principles legal force.
However, the legislating of the three principles goes against the
U.S. policy of neither confirming nor denying (NCND). Moreover, such
a move might have an impact on the foundation of the Japan-U.S.
alliance, which shelters Japan under the U.S. nuclear umbrella.
U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates gave Japan warning last
autumn, saying: "Japan should not have any negative influence on
extended deterrence or Japan-U.S. relations." Hatoyama will be
forced to make a tough decision.
(3) "Japan@the World" column: The administration's diplomatic
ability put to test
ASAHI (Pages 1, 15) (Full)
January 7, 2010
Yoichi Funabashi, chief editor
Will the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) administration grow into an
administration with vitality? This year will truly be a year in
which it will be put to the test.
The toughest test will be foreign and security policy. Prime
Minister Yukio Hatoyama stated at his news conference on Jan. 4: "In
a sense, half of national administration has to do with foreign
policy and security." It is evident that he had the conflict with
the U.S. over the Okinawa base issues in mind when he made this
statement. If the administration suffers a major setback in
Japan-U.S. relations, the DPJ may be dismissed by the people as a
political party not qualified to handle foreign policy.
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The world is undergoing major changes. Both the bipolar world of the
U.S. and the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the unipolar world
dominated by the U.S. in the post-Cold War period have ended.
International affairs have begun to revolve around the G-20 born
after the Lehman shock and the G-2 consisting of the U.S. and China.
Along with the power shift toward the newly emerging economies, such
as China and India, a power fusion is taking shape, under which the
U.S. and China are moving toward some form of symbiotic
relationship. For over the past 30 years, Japan has focused its
global policy on the G-7 or G-8, the club of the industrialized
nations (Japan and Western countries), but this policy is hollowing
out with the advent of the G-20 and the G-2.
However, it remains unclear to what extent the G-20 or the G-2 can
serve as a framework for world order in the 21st Century. Both may
end as mere processes for crisis management.
What is certain is the rise of Asia and the Pacific and the onset of
the low-carbon society. In that sense, the DPJ administration was
right in advocating as policy ideals the "East Asian community" and
"25 percent reduction in Japan's greenhouse gas emissions."
However, how can these ideals be realized? What diplomatic
groundwork is required for their realization? Before taking the
reins of government the DPJ had not held a proper debate on these
ideals. It now has to undergo "on the job training."
It appears that the world economy is finally moving toward
post-Lehman shock recovery.
The newly emerging economies, particularly China, are driving this
process. According to the IMF (International Monetary Fund), the
newly emerging economies and the developing countries contributed to
as much as 80 percent of economic growth after the Lehman shock.
Growth in Asia and the Pacific has been particularly strong. The
movement of wealth from Europe and America to Asia and the Pacific
is also proceeding apace.
Along with this, the influence of the newly emerging nations has
also grown. A new force termed BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India,
and China) ascended the international stage at the 15th Conference
of Parties to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change
(COP15) in Copenhagen in late 2009. They jointly resisted the
"legally binding emission reduction goals" proposed by the advanced
nations. Earlier the term BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China)
was used to refer to the major high-growth nations, but this was
mere market jargon. The BASIC is a bloc that speaks out on global
governance. This one is a political term.
For sure, this is probably a natural occurrence, since for the first
time in history we are in an era when the majority of the world's
population is speaking up on the world order.
Asia and the Pacific hold the key to this process. Nine of the G-20
are members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
conference. As U.S. President Barack Obama stated, "Growth relying
excessively on U.S. consumption and Asia's exports to the U.S. is no
longer sustainable." Asia needs to generate demand within the region
and promote closer regional integration.
It is important to share the fruits of such growth and opportunities
with the world. If only to promote this process, Japan needs to make
TOKYO 00000042 005 OF 010
greater efforts to push for free trade agreements (FTAs) with Asian
countries, as well as with the U.S. Yet neither the "new growth
strategy" presented by the Hatoyama administration nor the section
on the Japan-U.S. FTA in the DPJ's manifesto make mention of a
Japan-ROK FTA (or a Japan-China-ROK FTA, to go a step further),
which would form the core of the "East Asian community." This is
probably from concern about the liberalization of agricultural
imports. But then, this is also precisely where a change of
administration can make a difference. Another issue is that the APEC
members of the G-20 should begin unofficial consultations to work
for more organic links between APEC and the G-20. Fortunately, Japan
will be hosting the APEC Summit this November. This will be an
opportunity for Japanese diplomacy to play its role.
Coming to the advent of the G-2, no such organization exists at this
point. Both the U.S. and China deny any such special relationship.
The U.S.-China dialogue, in a way, is necessary because they have
more issues on which they are in conflict than issues they are able
to agree on. In spite of this, their financial integration has given
birth to a de facto G-2.
China purchases U.S. bonds with the dollars from its trade surplus
with the U.S., and the U.S. funds its fiscal deficits with these
bonds. Although the U.S. wants to see the appreciation of the
Chinese yuan, imprudent initiation of this process may lead to a
sharp decline in the value of the dollar. The U.S.-China
relationship has come to be called MADE (economic mutually assured
destruction), the economic version of the nuclear "balance of
terror" termed MAD (mutually assured destruction).
There is an increasing number of areas in which the U.S. will
require China's cooperation, not just in economic growth, trade, and
finance, but also with regard to nuclear weapons, terrorism, global
warming, building of peace, and so forth. Harvard University
Professor Iain Johnston observes that, "China has become an insider
in the international system." The G-2 can be regarded as the U.S.'s
means to make China even more of an insider in order to rationalize
the U.S. world strategy.
For sure, there is strong criticism of China in the U.S. If the U.S.
pushes forward with "integration" unwelcome by its own people, it
may be at risk of being driven into isolationism. Furthermore,
depending on the direction the G-2 takes and how it is handled, this
may destabilize relations with the European Union (EU), Japan,
Russia, India, and other countries.
Japan can serve as an "automatic stabilizer" between the U.S. and
China by stabilizing its own relations with these two countries. It
should think about a policy dialogue among Japan, the U.S., and
China to promote this process. Here it should not be forgotten that
the Asian and Pacific nations regard the Japan-U.S. alliance as a
public property in the region. The ROK, Australia, Singapore, and
Vietnam have conveyed their "concerns" unofficially to the U.S.
regarding the Hatoyama administration's view of the U.S. and policy
toward the U.S. This should be taken seriously.
Certain Obama administration officials think that there is a latent
tendency of "breaking away from the U.S." in the Hatoyama
administration's foreign policy and are skeptical about the real
substance of its policy. Is this in response to the decline of U.S.
power? A reflection of the growing economic dependence on China? The
beginnings of an independent policy line? Or is it an indication of
TOKYO 00000042 006 OF 010
isolationism? World Bank President Robert Zoellick, who came to
Japan via India last month, shook his head and asked: "Both China
and India are devising ways to use the U.S. However, Japan seems to
be thinking of ways to break away from the U.S. Why is that?"
Japan will have to rebuild the foundation of its foreign policy in
the age of the G-20 and the G-2. This foundation will consist of
regional integration in Asia and the Pacific and the Japan-U.S.
alliance. It will have to reconfirm the Japan-U.S. alliance as a
force for stability and deterrence in the region, as well as
redefine the alliance in the new era after the Cold War and the
post-Cold War period. Japan will need to have such juggling skills.
A transition period offers both opportunities and risks. Japan
should not act recklessly. Single-mindedness is also dangerous. "On
the job training" is fine. Japan should acquire the skills for
survival by adopting a multifaceted approach in dealing with issues.
(4) Alliance of subordination -- 50 years after revision of
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (Part 1): Futenma issue
AKAHATA (Page 1 & 2) (Excerpts)
January 3, 2010
U.S. initially calls for relocation of Futenma base
Half a century has passed since the current Japan-U.S. Security
Treaty was signed on Jan. 19, 1960. Now that many military alliances
across the world have been dissolved or have become dysfunctional,
the Akahata is investigating from multiple angles the current state
of the Japan-U.S. alliance, which contains strong elements of risk
and subordination. The investigation begins with the issue of
relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa.
A gray U.S. military helicopter flew over children at the Aragusuku
Children Center in Ginowan City, which is located only 100 meters
from the Futenma Air Station -- the base of the U.S. Marine Corps
Helicopter Squadron. The center has been designated as an evacuation
site in the event of a U.S. military aircraft crashing on Second
Futenma Elementary School, which is adjacent to the Futenma base.
A female employee said: "Students and their parents who transfer
here from other schools are surprised at the noise of helicopters,
which sounds like the noise on a battlefield. Some families move
away after a year or so because they can't take the noise."
Hatsu Gima, 70, a worker at the day nursery "Akachan (baby) House,"
also said: "It's hard because the roaring sound wakes up the
sleeping children and they start crying. We have suffered the
thundering noise of helicopters for too long. I want to be rid of
this noise as soon as possible. Everybody is hoping to live in a
quiet town."
Japan and the U.S. took up the relocation of the Futenma base for
the first time in 1988, seven years before an incident in which a
schoolgirl was raped by U.S. Marines in 1995. An electronic mail
dated March 6 in 1995 that was circulated in the Marine Corps
Headquarters in Okinawa notes: "(Then) Okinawa Governor Junji
Nishime cited problems with the seven sites whose return (his
government) has demanded when he visited (the U.S.) in 1988. One of
the sites was the Futenma base"
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In response to the request from Nishime, the Japanese government and
the U.S. military agreed to hold meetings of a facility adjustment
subcommittee under the Japan-U.S. Joint Committee.
In the latter half of 1970s, the Marine Corps Helicopter Squadron
was moved to the Futenma base from the Hamby Air Field (in
Chatan-cho) when the airfield was returned to Japan. Around that
time, the population in the city also began to increase sharply
(from 54,000 in fiscal 1975 to 90,000 at present).
The frequency of occurences of noise generated by helicopters grew
from about 18,000 in fiscal 1985 to over 30,000 in fiscal 1995.
Crashes involving Futenma-based aircraft have occurred one after
another. Even Junji Nishime, who is a leader of the Liberal
Democratic Party's conservative politics in Okinawa, had to demand
the return of the Futenma base because it has become "the most
dangerous base in the world."
The U.S. side noted in a document produced by the Japan-U.S.
subcommittee in 1990: "It would be possible to return the Futenma
base on the condition that the facility would be relocated to an
appropriate site," according to the electronic mail.
U.S. had information of illegal state of Futenma
Following an agreement reached between then Prime Minister Ryutaro
Hashimoto and then U.S. Ambassador Mondale to return the Futenma
airfield to Japan, the U.S. Marine Corps Headquarters prepared a
document in which it was noted that "the return of the Futenma base
would mean the loss of the U.S. military's capabilities."
On the Futenma base, there is a 2,800 meter-long runway, which can
accommodate even the takeoff and landing of fighters and large
transport planes, so the base must have great strategic value for
the U.S. military.
Despite this fact, why was the U.S. looking for possible relocation
sites before 1995? The reason can be found in the U.S. Marine Corps
Futenma Air Station Master Plan drawn up by the U.S. Department of
the Navy.
In this document, the phrase "clear zone" appears frequently. The
document says: "The clear zone of the Futenma Air Station is an area
in which the safety of takeoffs and landings is ensured, with no
obstacles." The size of the clear zone is set at 450 to 690 meters
wide and about 900 meters long from the edge of a runway. Under the
U.S. Federal Aviation Act, it is prohibited to build any structures
in a clear zone.
But Ginowan Municipal Government's Policy Office head Shigeo
Yamauchi said: "Based on our examination of a map and the basic
register of residents after obtaining the master plan in 2007, we
found 3,600 citizens residing in and about 800 houses and 18 public
facilities, hospitals, and day-care centers situated in the clear
zone."
The master plan also includes the results of an examination of the
details of the buildings in the clear zone. The U.S. military was
aware of the "illegal state" of the Futenma base as of 1992.
The U.S. military expanded the Futenma functions as much as possible
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in and after the 1970s. As a result, "the clear zone, which had been
within the base, has been expanded beyond the base site," said
Okinawa University Emeritus Professor Moriteru Arasaki.
In August 2004, a U.S. military helicopter crashed into the campus
of Okinawa International University. It was almost miraculous that
nobody was killed in this accident. Parliamentary Defense Secretary
Akihisa Nagashima recently made this comment: "The Futenma base is a
vulnerable part of the Japan-U.S. alliance. Another incident could
immediately blow up the bilateral alliance."
(5) MOFA sets up office to accelerate study on accession to Hague
Convention
ASAHI (Page 6) (Slightly abridged)
January 7, 2010
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is moving forward in its
study on Japan's accession to the Hague Convention, which sets down
rules on "child abduction" cases in which one parent in a failed
international marriage takes a child to his or her home country
without the other parent's consent, including rules on returning
children to their countries of residence. It has created an office
in the ministry in charge of this matter and will engage in
consultations shortly with the U.S., which is involved in the
largest number of cases pertaining to Japan. However, there are
still many issues that need to be resolved before Japan can accede
to the convention.
"Child abduction" has become a problem for the Western countries
that are signatories to the Convention, and at meetings of foreign
ministers and on other occasions there has been growing pressure on
Japan to sign the treaty.
Since Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada assumed office, he has
indicated that Japan will "actively" consider the matter of signing
the treaty. Last December, MOFA set up a new "office on issues of
parental rights on children" staffed by nine officials in charge of
Europe and America and international treaties. The new office will
not only deal with cases at issue with other countries, but will
also be responsible for studying Japan's accession to the treaty in
the future.
MOFA has also set up with France a forum for consultations on
specific cases. At its first meeting in December, the French side
provided a list of 35 cases and explained eight serious cases in
which the Japanese mothers who took the children away refused the
French fathers' requests to visit the children or even refused to
accept letters and photos from them. The Japanese side promised to
offer assistance, such as by relaying messages.
According to the "parental rights office," foreign governments have
reported the following numbers of cases of "child abduction": 73
from the U.S., 33 from the UK, and 36 from Canada (as of October
2009).
However, there are many hurdles to clear before Japan can sign the
treaty. Since there are reportedly many cases in which Japanese
wives fled home to Japan with their children because their former
husbands have inflicted violence on them, some people feel strongly
that these mothers and children need protection.
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Furthermore, the concept of family is different between Japan and
the Western countries. While the Western countries recognize "joint
parental authority," under which both parents exercise parental
rights, Japan only recognizes "sole parental authority," under which
only one parent has parental rights, and there is a deep-rooted
notion that the mother should have custody of the children.
Legislation will also be required before Japan can accede to the
Hague Convention. However, only MOFA officials are currently engaged
in consultations with the U.S. and France from the Japanese side,
and the officials of the Justice Ministry and courts are not
involved. In reality, MOFA can only serve as a "liaison" for now.
(6) Local suffrage for permanent foreign residents: Fear of current
status of Japan's ethnic Koreans becoming perennial
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full)
January 6, 2010
Taikin Tei, Tokyo Metropolitan University professor
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Ozawa has
expressed his intention to submit a bill granting local suffrage to
permanent foreign residents this year. I would like to present two
reasons that I am opposed to the bill.
The local suffrage bill for permanent foreign residents appears to
be generally understood as Japanese political circles' favorable
response to a request filed by Japan's ethnic Koreans, but this is a
misconception. Many ethnic Koreans intend to continue living in
Japan. They want to obtain Japanese nationality if an opportunity
arises. It has long been said that there are 600,000 ethnic Koreans
in Japan with special permanent residency status. However, the
number has now dwindled to approximately 400,000. That is because
nearly 10,000 ethnic Koreans annually obtain Japanese nationality.
Ethnic Koreans who marry Japanese do not let their children have
Korean or North Korean nationalities.
Most ethnic Koreans were born in Japan. They have South Korean or
North Korean nationalities. However, they lack a sense of belonging
to their home countries and awareness that they are foreigners in
Japan. If local suffrage is granted to such people, their
ill-defined status will continue perpetually. They are dummy Koreans
and dummy foreigners. They find it difficult to explain their
status. The local suffrage bill for permanent foreign resident is
intended to preserve ethnic Koreans as foreigners eternally.
Second, we must oppose the bill, because there is fear that local
suffrage for permanent foreign residents will encourage foreign
government's interference in Japan's domestic politics. According to
the statistics compiled at the end of 2008, there are 420,000
special permanent residents - those who came to Japan before or
during the War from Japan's former colonies, such as the Korean
Peninsula and Taiwan. There are 490,000 general permanent foreign
residents. Most of them are from China, Brazil or Peru. Chinese
permanent residents are likely to increase in the future.
Some say that since the suffrage bill for foreign permanent
residents only covers local elections, it would not affect the basis
of the sovereignty of the people. However, the borderline between
national politics and local politics is unclear. Since such issues
as the Self-Defense Forces, U.S. military bases, nuclear power
TOKYO 00000042 010 OF 010
plants, the Takeshima/Dokdo islets, and the Senkaku islands
(referred to as Diaoyu by China and Tiaoyutai by Taiwan) are closely
linked to national policies, there is a strong possibility of
permanent foreign residents voting in ways that conflict with
Japan's diplomatic and security policies.
Will the Chinese government be able to remain indifferent to
permanent Chinese residents in Japan? There may be occasions when
the Chinese government politically tries to use them, as the South
Korean and the North Korea governments did. Immigration meant
separation from home countries in the past. However, a situation in
which immigrants maintain not only cultural bonds with their home
countries but also political bonds is seen throughout the world.
There are people who believe that the Japanese archipelago does not
belong only to the Japanese both in Japan and outside Japan.
It is very interesting that the Korean Residents Union in Japan
systematically stepped up its efforts (to influence) Japan's
national politics during last year's Lower House election campaign.
They reportedly invited candidates running on the tickets of leading
political parties to exchange views with them and urged them to
support the idea of granting local suffrage to permanent foreign
residents. I could have predicted that the Korean Residents Union in
Japan would demand rights to vote in national election sooner or
later. Their behavior seen during the Lower House campaign period
was indeed a preparatory exercise for that.
In the meantime, Japan's ethnic South Koreans will be able to take
part in national elections in South Korea starting in 2012 following
the amendment to that nation's public office election law. They will
be able to exercise their right to vote in South Korea's
presidential elections and general elections. As a result of this,
however, they are bound to come under fire for receiving special
privileges.
ROOS