Cablegate: Daily Summary of Japanese Press 10/20/09

VZCZCXRO4367

PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH

DE RUEHKO #2417/01 2930634

ZNR UUUUU ZZH

P 200634Z OCT 09

FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO

TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6925

INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY

RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY

RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY

RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY

RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY

RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//

RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI

RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI

RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//

RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//

RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA

RUAYJAA/CTF 72

RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9339

RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6984

RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0802

RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4252

RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 7496

RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1467

RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8125

RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7655

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 002417

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;

WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;

TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;

SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,

DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA

FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;

CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.

E.O. 12958: N/A

TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/20/09

INDEX:

(1) Editorial: Taking advantage of U.S. defense secretary's visit to

Japan today, government urged to settle bilateral issues to maintain

alliance (Sankei)

(2) Gov. Nakaima negative about settlement of Futenma relocation by

just moving new facility offshore (Okinawa Times)

(3) Why isn't the Futenma relocation plan moving forward? (Asahi)

(4) New and previous governments' procedures for receiving

petitions/requests (Nikkei)

(5) Government plans to submit 11 bills to extraordinary Diet

session; child allowance bill not included (Jiji Com)

(6) "Seiron" column: The Hatoyama administration's misunderstanding

of the Japan-U.S. relationship (Sankei)

(7) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Mainichi)

(8) Poll: Hatoyama cabinet at 1 month since its debut (Yomiuri)

(9) Trouble over custody of children in failed international

marriages: Japanese mother indicted in U.S. on suspicion of

abduction of her own children (Mainichi)

(10) Editorial: Disputes arising from international divorces:

Discussions on parental and visitation rights needed (Asahi)

ARTICLES:

(1) Editorial: Taking advantage of U.S. defense secretary's visit to

Japan today, government urged to settle bilateral issues to maintain

alliance

SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)

October 20, 2009

U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert will visit Japan on Oct. 20-21 to

hold talks with senior Japanese government officials, including

Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.

In the planned meetings, the focus of attention is likely to be on

the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station

in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture. Besides the Futenma issue, the

Hatoyama administration has been saddled with numerous issues that

affect the Japan-U.S. alliance fundamentally, such as alternative

contributions to the ongoing Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling

mission in the Indian Ocean and what to do about the U.S. nuclear

umbrella. To prevent the Japan-U.S. alliance from being put at risk,

Hatoyama is urged to make realistic judgments in a bid to resolve

Futenma and other pending.

Ahead of the defense secretary's visit to Japan, a senior U.S.

Defense Department official indicated that the U.S. would approve

the proposed plan to move the construction site for the alternative

runways further offshore (in Nago City, Okinawa Prefecture). Last

week, Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima had said that the Okinawa

government would approve the relocation of the Futenma facility

within the prefecture based on the existing plan, on the condition

TOKYO 00002417 002 OF 015

of moving the site into the sea. Apparently in response to the

governor's flexible stance, the U.S. official took a concessionary

approach, saying that "it is possible to make a compromise if the

plan is altered only slightly."

The local communities concerned and the U.S. government have thus

begun to take joint steps. Despite this progress, senior government

officials, including Prime Minister Hatoyama, have indicated that

the government would put off a final decision until the middle of

next year, citing the need to probe the will of the people in the

prefecture. Probably the officials are bearing in mind the

Democratic Party of Japan's campaign pledge for the latest general

election to relocate the Futenma air station out of the prefecture,

as well as the upcoming Nago mayoral election in January and the

Okinawa gubernatorial election in November of next year. Showing

such an (indecisive) posture is a problem.

The Futenma issue, however, has been left pending between Japan and

the U.S. for the 14 years since the U.S. agreed in 1996 to return

the Futenma air station to Japan. The existing plan is an

indispensable part of the planned global-scale realignment of U.S.

forces. A further delay in implementing the agreed plan might

constitute a serious hindrance to the U.S. military's strategy for

the entire Asia-Pacific region and the joint deterrence setup of

Japan and the U.S. Focusing on expectations among the residents and

the request by Japan's ally, Hatoyama should quickly demonstrate his

leadership.

The Hatoyama administration plans to halt the refueling mission in

the Indian Ocean, citing the reason that the Afghan government has

not eagerly called on Japan to continue the mission. But the

government has yet to work out any alternative assistance measures.

Regarding the U.S. nuclear umbrella as well, Foreign Minister

Katsuya Okada has called on the U.S. to come up with the policy of

no-first-use of nuclear weapons and suggested holding a discussion

between Japan and the U.S. But the U.S. nuclear umbrella is the most

reliable tool to ensure Japan's security in preparations against

such threats as China's military expansion and North Korea's nuclear

and missile development. Given this, the appropriateness of the call

for relinquishing the deterrence capability of Japan's ally, the

U.S., is questionable.

The concept of an East Asia Community proposed by Hatoyama also

makes some persons worried that it might exclude the U.S. Although

Hatoyama has advocated the slogan of establishing a close and equal

partnership between Japan and the U.S., his concept might make the

U.S., Japan's ally, distrustful of Japan.

Taking advantage of Gates' visit to Japan, Japan and the U.S. should

work hard to dissolve such doubts and pending issues. The prime

minister is urged to make specific decisions and take decisive

action in order to strengthen the bilateral relationship of trust.

(2) Gov. Nakaima negative about settlement of Futenma relocation by

just moving new facility offshore

OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full)

October 20, 2009

With regard to the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air

Station, a high U.S. Defense Department official said that if the

TOKYO 00002417 003 OF 015

Japanese government proposes that runaways be moved farther offshore

than currently planned, the United States will "consider" this

proposal. Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima lauded the U.S. official's

remarks, saying: "Because I wrote in a position paper on the

preparatory documents for the environmental impact assessment (of

the site of the replacement facility for Futenma Air Station) that

(a new military airfield) should be moved farther offshore, it would

be good if a conclusion is arrived in line with that direction."

When asked whether the Futenma relocation issue would move toward a

conclusion if the hurdle of moving the alternative facility further

offshore is cleared, Nakaima expressed a negative view, saying, "It

is not that moving the military facility offshore is the only

obstacle."

Meanwhile, citing the enforcement of the Environmental Assessment

Law as an example, Vice Governor Zenki Nakazato expressed his view

for the first time, noting, "If the purpose is to reduce the impact

on the environment, the relocation site will move 100 meters or 200

meters, as far from the coastline as possible." Both Nakaima and

Nakazato were speaking to reporters at the prefectural government

building.

Referring to his position paper on the preparatory documents on the

environmental impact assessment, Nakaima said: "It is not only me.

As many as 500 residents in the prefecture, the Environmental

Assessment Council, and the heads of municipalities have expressed

their opinions. It is not just moving the facility further offshore;

a variety of issues raised by them must be overcome." Asked about

the option of moving the facility 50 meters farther offshore than

the existing plan, Nakaima said, "It is a matter that engineers

should decide on. It is not appropriate for a person at the

political level to make a suggestion."

Regarding the idea of moving the facility by 50 meters offshore,

Nakazato said: "A judgment should be made in relation to the

environment. It is presupposed that building a reclaimed base in

that region will destroy the natural environment."

He stressed: "The government is a contracting party for the

replacement facility requiring the environmental impact assessment.

Procedurally the governor has to express his opinion."

(3) Why isn't the Futenma relocation plan moving forward?

ASAHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)

October 20, 2009

Takateru Doi

Kobukuro: What is the issue of the relocation of Futenma Air Station

in Okinawa all about?

Answer: Futenma Air Station is a U.S. Marine Corps base. It sits in

a densely populated residential area in the city of Ginowan.

Concerned about noise and safety, the prefectural and city have long

been calling for the return of the air station. A local schoolgirl

was gang-raped by U.S. service members in 1995 and that exacerbated

the sentiments of people in Okinawa. In 1996, the governments of

Japan and the United States reached an agreement to return Futenma

Air Station in five to seven years' time on the condition that its

functions are relocated to a new site within the prefecture.

TOKYO 00002417 004 OF 015

Ko: That was 13 years ago. Why hasn't the relocation plan moved

forward?

A: Although it accounts for less than 1 percent of Japan's land

mass, Okinawa hosts 75 percent of the U.S. bases in Japan. People in

Okinawa raised strong objections to relocating the Futenma facility

to a site within the prefecture, and it took a long time to decide

on the relocation site. In 2002, the central, prefectural, and city

governments agreed on a plan to reclaim a site off Henoko in Nago,

but the plan made little progress due to backlash from local

residents. The Japanese and U.S. governments re-discussed the matter

and decided in 2005 to relocate the Futenma functions to the coastal

area of Camp Schwab in the Henoko district. The plan was revised

again in 2006. Japan successfully convinced the United States,

saying, "(The replacement facility) can be constructed without fail

in this off-limits area." The talks were held only between Tokyo and

Washington, and local residents criticized the decision as a deal

made behind their back.

Ko: Can't (Futenma Air Station) be moved outside Okinawa?

A: Futenma Air Station plays the role of a helicopter base for

transporting the Marine Corps' ground troops of other bases in the

prefecture. The U.S. military has insisted that the relocation site

must be close to where the ground troops are located. In 2008 the

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) produced its "Okinawa Vision," which

called for the relocation of (Futenma Air Station) out of Okinawa or

even out of Japan. Meanwhile, in its manifesto for the general

election this year, the DPJ pledged to move "in the direction of

reexamining" the realignment of U.S. forces and the modalities of

U.S. bases. Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa said: "The project is

already underway, so searching for a new path would be quite

difficult. It would take a lot of time to find a relocation site

outside the prefecture or outside the country.

Ko: It's a difficult problem.

A: In an Asahi Shimbun opinion poll conducted in May, some 70

percent of people of Okinawa expressed opposition to relocating

(Futenma functions) to a site within the prefecture. The relocation

is falling behind schedule. In the meantime, in 2004 a U.S. military

helicopter crashed into the campus of the university adjacent (to

Futenma Air Station). Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima has accepted relocation

within the prefecture because he thinks the danger of Futenma Air

Station must be eliminated promptly. The plan is a package deal that

also includes the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps from Okinawa to

Guam and the return of other bases in the prefecture. Prime Minister

Yukio Hatoyama has expressed his intention to postpone the

conclusion until next January when the Nago mayoral election will be

held. But he will still be pressed to make a tough decision (next

January).

(4) New and previous governments' procedures for receiving

petitions/requests

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)

October 17, 2009

(Chart not available)

(5) Government plans to submit 11 bills to extraordinary Diet

session; child allowance bill not included

TOKYO 00002417 005 OF 015

JIJI.COM (Full)

October 14, 2009

The government decided on Oct. 14 to submit 11 bills to the

extraordinary Diet session opening in late October and has notified

the ruling parties of this. The government and the ruling parties

will give priority to formulating the FY2010 budget before the end

of 2009 and plan to schedule the extraordinary Diet session to close

by the end of November. The number of bills to be submitted has been

narrowed down, and the bills for the child allowance and abolishing

the provisional tax rates for gasoline, among others, will be

deferred to the regular Diet session next year.

Among the major bills to be submitted are a "bill on prevention of

credit crunch and loans recalls," providing for a repayment

moratorium on loans incurred by small and mid-sized businesses, and

a bill to freeze the planned sale of the shares of Japan Post group

companies. There will also be five bills to ratify treaties and

approve previous cabinet decisions, including a decision made last

June regarding a complete ban on exports to North Korea.

Other bills to be submitted are:

? Amendment to the law on the salaries of rank-and-file civil

servants

? Amendment to the law on the salaries of civil servants in special

service

? Amendment to law on civil servants' childcare leave

? Amendment to law on salaries of judges

? Amendment to law on salaries of prosecutors

? Amendment to law on childcare leave for judges

? Bill on measures to deal with new-strain influenza

? Bill on the independent administrative agency Organization for the

Promotion of Regional Medical Services

? Amendment to law on salaries of Ministry of Defense employees

(6) "Seiron" column: The Hatoyama administration's misunderstanding

of the Japan-U.S. relationship

SANKEI (Page 7) (Full)

October 20, 2009

James Auer, director, Center for U.S.-Japan Studies, Vanderbilt

University

Result of "typically Japanese" decision

New administrations have been launched both in Japan and the United

States, and the fate of the bilateral relationship is in the

limelight. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama advocates a more equal

relationship between Japan and the U.S. However, as far as I can

remember, over the past 45 years the U.S. has consistently asked

Japan to "speak out more positively." So I'm not clear what Mr.

Hatoyama means by "equal."

I think Mr. Hatoyama is laboring under misapprehensions about the

Japan-U.S. relationship. I would like to discuss four points that

come to mind. I hope those who have pinned hopes on a change of

administration will bear them in mind.

The first misunderstanding is that Japan has been in a servile

TOKYO 00002417 006 OF 015

position in its relationship with the U.S. from 1945 until present.

It is a fact that during this period the U.S. wielded several times

the military clout as Japan. However, Japan was not asked to share

the fate of the United States. Japan of its own volition chose to

enter into an alliance with America after the U.S. occupation. It

was a question of choice made by Japan itself.

In fact, as the Japanese economy recovered and its competitiveness

increased, until 1970 many members of the U.S. Congress had begun to

complain that the Japan-U.S. alliance was unequal in favor of Japan.

Japan could have parted ways with the U.S., but did not. Japan

remained with the U.S. not because the U.S. ordered it to do so, but

because it made a "typically Japanese" decision very much to its

advantage at its own discretion.

Alliance unequal for the U.S.

The second misunderstanding is that the Japan-U.S. relationship

impedes the deepening of Japan's relations with the Asian countries.

This also requires careful consideration.

In the 20 years until the end of the Cold War, Japan faced a

dangerous military threat from the former Soviet Union, which

counted more than 100 submarines in its Pacific fleet alone. For

sure, even after the end of the Cold War and the disappearance of

the threat of the former USSR, Japan is still threatened by the

unpredictable dictatorial regime in North Korea. There are also

serious concerns about the future direction of China.

Japan has apologized repeatedly to Korea, its former colony, and to

China, and made a great effort to get along with them. Yet its

effort has not been rewarded. In China in particular certain

elements carry out highly biased anti-Japanese education and

criticize Japan for not having sufficiently apologized. What's more,

such criticism is used to divert attention from government

corruption.

What would happen if Japan were to cease relying on the U.S. for its

security and make an effort to provide for its national defense on

its own? Asian countries would probably ratchet up their criticism

of Japan's defense policy. To think Asian countries would welcome

Japan's distancing itself from the U.S. would be the height of

naivet.

The third misunderstanding is that the burden on Japan will be

reduced if its relations with the U.S. become more equal. Why is

this also wrong?

Often cited as proof of inequality are the hard-to-overlook

pollution at several U.S. bases in Japan and the fact that U.S.

soldiers guilty of crimes are not handed over to the Japanese police

before indictment. But in my opinion these are trivial matters,

especially in comparison with the inequality in the operation of the

Japan-U.S. alliance.

Through this alliance, the U.S. keeps an eye on the nuclear powers

in Japan's vicinity and provides continuous security to prevent

military attacks on Japan and disruptions of the sea lanes in the

Indian Ocean and southwest Pacific. The U.S. does not want to

emphasize China and ignore Japan, a major democratic power embracing

a free market economy. Therefore, the argument that Japan is not

needed is wrong. If Japan makes little or no effort to place its

TOKYO 00002417 007 OF 015

relationship with the U.S. on a more equal footing, the U.S. will

only look beyond Japan.

Japan has been engaged in the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean

since the second half of 2001. While this is not a dangerous

operation, the U.S. appreciates Japan's efforts. At least Japan is

doing "something." Yet, the Hatoyama administration is saying the

mission will be discontinued without even offering any alternative

proposals.

Fulfillment of role and obligations is the issue

The fourth misunderstanding is that reducing its support for the

alliance will enable Japan to reduce its expenditure for security

without weakening it. For sure, the alliance is no longer as

important to the U.S. as it was during the Cold War. If Japan were

to demand U.S. Forces relocate out of Japan, the U.S. would comply,

albeit with reluctance. In such a case, however, it is unlikely that

North Korea or China would also reduce their military strength.

Japan's military spending is just 1 percent of GNP in spite of its

being situated in a dangerous part of the world. Japan is only able

to enjoy peace and prosperity because of its security arrangements

with the U.S.

Clearing up the above four misunderstandings leads to the conclusion

that if Japan now makes a greater effort to fulfill its role and

obligations, it will be able to have a more equal relationship with

the U.S. Let me reiterate that it is up to Japan to decide whether

or not it wants to do so. Just as previous Japanese governments have

done of their own volition, I hope that the Hatoyama administration

will with wisdom ponder what is in Japan's national interest.

(7) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties

MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full)

October 19, 2009

Questions & Answers

(T = total; P = previous; M = male; F = female)

Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet?

T P M F

Yes 72 (77) 75 69

No 17 (13) 16 19

Not interested 10 (9) 9 11

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the above question) Why?

T P M F

Because the prime minister is from the Democratic Party of Japan 1

(3) 2 1

Because something can be expected of the prime minister's leadership

4 (4) 2 6

Because something can be expected of the prime minister's policy

measures 16 (15) 15 17

Because the nature of politics is likely to change 78 (77) 81 76

Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the above question) Why?

T P M F

Because the prime minister is from the Democratic Party of Japan 8

TOKYO 00002417 008 OF 015

(8) 8 8

Because nothing can be expected of the prime minister's leadership

12 (9) 6 15

Because nothing can be expected of the prime minister's policy

measures 57 (58) 61 54

Because the nature of politics is unlikely to change 21 (23) 23 20

Q: Which political party do you support?

T P M F

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 40 (45) 45 37

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 14 (12) 13 14

New Komeito (NK) 4 (4) 4 5

Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 4 (3) 2 5

Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (2) 1 1

People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 0 0

Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2 (3) 2 2

New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 0 0

Other political parties 1 (1) 1 1

None 32 (27) 30 34

Q: Do you think people's lives will improve or worsen with the DPJ

running the government?

T P M F

Improve 43 (47) 50 39

Worsen 10 (6) 11 10

Remain unchanged 45 (44) 39 50

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet is trying to make policies under the

initiative of politicians, with its ministers and subcabinet-level

political appointees giving directions to bureaucrats. Do you

approve of this?

T P M F

Yes 80 85 76

No 17 13 21

Q: The former Aso cabinet adopted a supplementary budget totaling

over 14 trillion yen for the current fiscal year. On this extra

budget, the Hatoyama cabinet has decided to suspend spending on 2.9

trillion yen on budgeted projects. Do you approve of this?

T P M F

Yes 71 76 68

No 26 23 28

Q: Land, Infrastructure and Transport Minister Maehara has clarified

his intention to call off the construction of Yamba Dam in Gumma

Prefecture. This is a policy measure based on the DPJ's manifesto

for this summer's election for the House of Representatives.

However, there are also calls from among local communities for the

continued construction of this dam. Do you think this dam

construction should be suspended?

T P M F

Yes 58 62 55

No 36 35 38

Q: Prime Minister Hatoyama has set forth a policy goal of reducing

Japan's greenhouse gas emissions by 25 PERCENT from 1990 levels by

TOKYO 00002417 009 OF 015

2020, and he declared this at the United Nations. Do you approve of

this?

T P M F

Yes 79 (69) 79 80

No 17 (25) 20 16

Q: The DPJ falls short of a majority in the House of Councillors, so

the DPJ has formed a coalition government with the SDP and the PNP.

Would you like to see the DPJ form a single-party government after

next summer's election for the House of Councillors?

T P M F

A single-party DPJ government 36 (33) 41 31

A DPJ coalition with the SDP and the PNP 32 (34) 30 34

A DPJ coalition with other political parties 27 (25) 26 29

Q: The LDP has elected Mr. Sadakazu Tanigaki as its new president.

Do you have high expectations for him?

T P M F

Yes 40 42 39

No 55 56 55

Q: The LDP has become an opposition party as a result of this

summer's election for the House of Representatives. Would you like

the LDP to reconstruct itself?

T P M F

Yes 59 (56) 66 54

No 38 (41) 33 42

(Note) Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. "0" indicates that

the figure was below 0.5 PERCENT . "No answer" omitted. Figures in

parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted Sept.

16-17.

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Oct. 17-18 over the

telephone across the nation on a computer-aided random digit

sampling (RDS) basis. A total of 1,669 households with one or more

eligible voters were sampled. Answers were obtained from 1,067

persons (64 PERCENT ).

(8) Poll: Hatoyama cabinet at 1 month since its debut

YOMIURI (Page 11) (Full)

October 18, 2009

Questions & Answers

(Figures in percentage)

Q: There will be an election for the House of Councillors next

summer. Which political party are you going to vote for in your

proportional representation bloc, or which political party are you

going to vote for?

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 35

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 18

New Komeito (NK) 3

Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 1

Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1

People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0

TOKYO 00002417 010 OF 015

New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0

Other political parties 0

Undecided 39

No answer (N/A) 1

Q: It has now been nearly a month since Prime Minister Hatoyama came

into office. What's your impression of Prime Minister Hatoyama? Pick

only one from among those listed below on the following points.

Leadership

Very much 15

Somewhat 59

Not very much 16

Not at all 4

N/A 6

Reform

Very much 37

Somewhat 45

Not very much 11

Not at all 3

N/A 4

Public accountability

Very much 12

Somewhat 46

Not very much 29

Not at all 7

N/A 6

Q: The Hatoyama cabinet is a tripartite coalition of the DPJ, SDP,

and PNP. Looking back on the past month, do you think this

three-party coalition has been functioning well?

Yes 33

No 53

N/A 14

Q: What would you like the Hatoyama cabinet to tackle on a priority

basis? If any, pick as many as you like from among those listed

below.

Economic stimulus measures 73

Job security measures 47

Fiscal turnaround 23

Tax reform, including consumption tax 20

Healthcare reform 41

Pension reform 49

Low birthrate, childcare support 31

Japan-U.S. relations 8

North Korea policy 14

National security 13

Public service reform 16

Public investment review 19

Postal privatization review 8

Decentralization 8

Agriculture 16

Greenhouse gas emissions cut 14