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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 005439
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 12/04/07
Index:
(1) Government, ruling camp on tight rope regarding budget
compilation within year, intertwined with re-extension of Diet
session; Pressure to increased spending from within ruling parties;
DPJ geared up to take part in budget compilation process (Nikkei)
(2) JCP to field candidates fewer than half the number it backed in
2005 Lower House poll (Mainichi)
(3) Kantei-led panel to produce drastic Defense Ministry reform plan
(Mainichi )
(4) Moriya discarded in a move to preserve collusive ties among
politicians, bureaucrats, businesses (Tokyo Shimbun)
(5) Seiron (Opinion column) by Satoshi Morimoto on Japan-U.S.
alliance: Japan is principally responsible for activating the
alliance (Sankei)
(6) Pursuing "Fukudanomics," aiming at both economic growth and
fiscal reconstruction (Nikkei)
(7) TOP HEADLINES
(8) EDITORIAL
(9) Prime Minister's schedule, December 3 (Nikkei)
ARTICLES:
(1) Government, ruling camp on tight rope regarding budget
compilation within year, intertwined with re-extension of Diet
session; Pressure to increased spending from within ruling parties;
DPJ geared up to take part in budget compilation process
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged)
December 12, 2004
The government and the ruling parties are increasingly alert to
opposition parties' move over the compilation of the fiscal 2008
budget and re-extension of the Diet session. They want to avoid a
delay in budget compilation until next year, as it could have a
negative impact on the economy. However, the Democratic Party of
Japan (DPJ or Minshuto), the no. 1 party in the Upper House, has
begun moving forward in a bid to positively taking a hand in the
compilation of the budget. An increasing number of lawmakers in the
ruling camp are pressing for an increase in expenditures. If the
Diet session is extensively re-extended, the government and the
ruling camp will likely be pressed to compile the budget while
walking a tightrope.
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda at an executive meeting of the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP) sought cooperation from the ruling parties
for the compilation of the budget within the year, noting, "The
compilation of the budget is at a crucial stage due to the tight
Diet schedule."
The government and the ruling parties are trying to get the new
legislation aimed at resuming refueling activities in the Indian
Ocean passed during the current Diet session. However, they are also
caught on the horns of a dilemma that if they extensively re-extend
TOKYO 00005439 002 OF 011
the Diet session, they would have to manage the Diet and compile the
budget in parallel.
The government is concerned about a possible case in which the DPJ,
which has dominance in the Upper House, calls for summoning cabinet
ministers and senior ministry officials to various Diet committees
or presses the ruling camp to reflect its plan in the budget for the
next fiscal year.
LDP Secretary General Bunmei Ibuki during a press conference on Dec.
3 sought to check the DPJ, "Politicians must not allow the
compilation of the budget to be put off until the next year."
However, there is also a possibility of the DPJ calling for talks on
the budgeting of policies, an issue on which the government and the
ruling parties are not in agreement. A certain senior government
official has pointed out, "Such a possibility would become a major
disruptive factor in budget formulation by the end of the year."
The DPJ has already finished a hearing of budget request estimates
directed at related government agencies. It intends to continue
pursuing Finance Minister Fukushiro Nukaga over a series of scandals
involving the Defense Ministry, with President Ichiro Ozawa saying,
"It is very serious if the words and actions of a person who
compiles the budget are inconsistent with the facts."
Another key point for budget formulation is whether the government
and the ruling parties can reach agreements on details when the Diet
schedule is extremely tight.
Following the devastating defeat in the July Upper House election,
the LDP is putting in a lot of work in the promotion of agriculture
and the improvement of central government tax revenues allocated to
local governments and the spread of the consolidation of road
systems when compiling the budget for the next fiscal year. The New
Komeito is also underscoring the need to improve social security. It
considers it as an achievement that it has paved the way for
delaying a plan to increase medical burdens shared by elderly people
to a later date.
The government's policy includes a constraint on a natural increase
in social security spending and revisions of public works, including
partial reallocation of road funds for other use. If ruling party
members continue to seek an increase in spending with the next Lower
House election in mind, the adoption of the budget draft could
suffer a delay.
(2) JCP to field candidates fewer than half the number it backed in
2005 Lower House poll
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Abridged slightly)
December 4, 2007
The Japanese Communist Party (JCP) has generally decided to strictly
reduce its candidates for the next House of Representatives
election. As of yesterday, the party decided to field candidates for
104 electoral districts. In the previous 2005 Lower House election,
the party backed candidates for 275 electoral districts. For the
next poll, the number of JCP candidates is expected to be less than
half of that number, even if additional endorsements (20 to 30
constituencies) are counted in.
The party's policy is to field candidates only for: (1) the
TOKYO 00005439 003 OF 011
constituencies where the party won over 8 PERCENT of total
proportional representation votes in this summer's House of
Councillors election; and (2) at least one constituency in every
prefecture. In the 2005 poll, the party lost a total of 669 million
yen in deposits in 223 constituencies. The party has turned around
its traditional policy in order to avoid a huge financial burden. At
the same time, there are active moves in large cities with a certain
level of organizational power to field candidates for constituencies
that do not meet the 8 PERCENT rule. Responses vary depending on
local organizations. For instance in Tokyo, six out of 25
constituencies do not meet the 8 PERCENT requirement. But the Tokyo
committee plans to field candidates in all electoral districts. The
Kanagawa prefectural committee originally planned to field
candidates only for nine constituencies, including eight that meet
the 8 PERCENT requirement. Under the Public Offices Election Law,
political parties are allowed to use two campaign cars only when
they field 13 candidates or more. For this reason, the committee has
decided to aim at more than 13 electoral districts.
Meanwhile, in the organizationally weak Tohoku, Hokuriku, and
Shikoku regions, there are many cases in which the party will
strictly limit endorsed candidates to the No. 1 capital city
constituencies. In Toyama, which has three constituencies, the
prefectural committee announced in June last year that it would back
rookies for No. 1 and No. 3 constituencies. The committee has
switched to fielding a candidate only for Constituency No. 1 in line
with the party's policy.
Many in the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or
Minshuto) are hopeful that their party will be able to absorb JCP
votes in constituencies with no JCP candidates. There is a move
backing their wishful thinking. In Wakayama, the prefectural
committee has decided to endorse a candidate only when the DPJ
decides not to field its own candidate in Constituency No. 3, the
home turf of LDP General Council Committee Chairman Toshihiro
Nikai.
(3) Kantei-led panel to produce drastic Defense Ministry reform
plan
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
December 4, 2007
The government launched yesterday the Ministry of Defense (MOD)
Reform Council, an experts' panel chaired by Tokyo Electric Power
Co. adviser Nobuya Minami, in a bid to play up the government's
eagerness to address a series of improprieties engulfing MOD,
including the bribery case involving former Administrative
Vice-Defense Minister Takamesa Moriya. Every time an impropriety has
come to light, the ministry has taken preventive measures, but they
were all in vain. With the ministry always shrouded in secrecy,
uncovering the truth about it has been difficult. Whether or not the
council can produce by next February an interim report calling for
drastic reform remains to be seen.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura started off the council
meeting with the remark, "There is a need to return to the basics
and take drastic measures, based on the public's perspective." He
then asked the panel to study ways to: (1) ensure civilian control,
(2) establish a strict information security system, and (3) increase
transparency in defense equipment procurement. The three agenda
items are now under study by MOD. The ministry has already taken
TOKYO 00005439 004 OF 011
steps for information security and is scheduled to reach conclusions
to the remaining two challenges next March. The main stage for MOD
reform has now shifted to the Prime Minister's Official Residence
(Kantei) in the same way as reform of the Social Insurance Agency,
according to a senior government official, meaning that the problem
has grown so huge that the Kantei now has to deal with it.
Of the three areas, the procurement of equipment is an area that
requires structural reform. The bribery case involving Moriya partly
resulted from MOD's habitual use of trading firms to import defense
equipment. Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba plans to increase the
number of officials responsible for imports and expand the framework
to directly conclude contracts. It takes time, however, to foster a
large number of officials familiar with foreign laws and accounting
systems. There is also concern that the organization might become
bloated.
The government was pressed to review civilian control in connection
with the alleged diversion of oil provided by a Japanese supply ship
in the Indian Ocean. It has became clear that the section chief
responsible for the matter covered up the mistake and that led then
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda to announce a false public
statement about the amount of oil provided to a U.S. oiler. The
danger of an SDF officer's independent decision spoiling national
politics has been pointed out as well. MOD has decided on
information security measures, such as prohibiting the use of
personal computers at workplaces. Stepping up penalties for
increasing effectiveness is expected to become point at issue.
(4) Moriya discarded in a move to preserve collusive ties among
politicians, bureaucrats, businesses
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 25) (Full)
November 29, 2007
"I feel that there is also a move to lay all the blame on Moriya in
an aim to close the curtain on the incident." This comment came from
Nobumasa Ota, who entered the Defense Agency-now the Defense
Ministry-in the same year with former Administrative Vice Defense
Minister Takemasa Moriya, who has now been arrested on the charge of
taking bribes from a defense contractor. Ota was a councillor of the
Defense Agency director general's secretariat.
"He was treated to golf. That's all. That's the only thing they
brought to light. That's a minor issue. There is other things that
are really important. I wonder why the defense equipment Japan
imports is priced so high. If the case ends up with such a trifling
matter, the important issues will again drift into darkness." With
this, Ota showed his strong concern about the investigations.
Ota noted that there are many golden parachutists who drop down from
the Defense Ministry into the defense industry. "The Defense
Ministry has no cost accounting capability," Ota said. "That's one
of the reasons why the Defense Ministry buys everything from makers
at their asking prices," he said. "Instead," he added, "makers
accept the retired bureaucrats." The question is whether the exposed
defense-interest scandal will ever arrive at the doorsteps of the
politicians. However, Ota said definitely: "Only low-level
politicians will put in a good word to the Defense Ministry for the
sake of a defense equipment maker. Defense equipment makers think of
politicians as bouncers. They are skillful at giving 'protection
money' to such politicians. They're so clever that their offering of
TOKYO 00005439 005 OF 011
such money can never be uncovered by anyone (meaning that they know
how to go around the Political Funds Control Law). Politicians have
turned a blind eye to the Defense Ministry's collusive ties with its
contractors."
Takashi Hirose, a nonfiction writer known as the author of America
and Its Big War Industries (published by Shueisha), also says: "In
this case, prosecutors raided Yamada Corporation and Nihon Mirise
Corporation. They're investigating only small newcomers in the
defense industry. Gigantic trading companies and gigantic heavy
industries companies are the major businesses that lock on defense
interests. They have a similar pattern of interests. However, their
defense interests are not in focus. That's strange. If they look
into big companies dealing in weapons, all these companies could be
suspected of doing the same thing as in the bribery case this
time."
Hirose continues: "The Defense Agency has now been upgraded to the
status of a ministry. But the government office actually in charge
of the defense budget is the Finance Ministry. The Defense
Ministry's senior officials in charge of accounting are mostly from
the Finance Ministry or otherwise from the National Tax
Administration Agency. They have overlooked that trading company's
bill-padding practice. That is the Finance Ministry's fault. If we
get to the bottom of problems over defense interests, there should
be politicians and businesses that have something to do with defense
interests. Moriya is not the ringleader."
Another journalist, Hirotoshi Ito, also says more than 90 PERCENT
of Japan's defense interests are in the hands of heavy industries
companies manufacturing fighter planes, tanks, and vessels. "Yamada
Corporation's business is small when compared with their business,"
Ito said, adding: "There was trouble between Yamada Corporation and
Nihon Mirise Corporation, which became independent of Yamada
Corporation. That's why their case turned out to be a scandal. If
they had no trouble, their case wouldn't have become a scandal, I
think." Ito also noted, "Investigative authorities are targeting
politicians from the start."
There is a fundamental problem over defense interests. That is,
weaponry and equipment are custom-made and outside the principle of
market mechanism that works for ordinary business. For example, in
the case of a fighter plane, its price is one of the criteria for
selection. However, the government, once it selects a certain
fighter jet model, will continue to buy specific equipment at its
maker's asking price.
There is another case. The Air Self-Defense Force has been using
U.S.-developed fighter jets. However, Japanese companies produce
them under license "for national security reasons" and "in order to
develop domestic industries." That is a government-assigned job,
which can easily become a hotbed of interests.
The government easily narrows the scope of information disclosure.
To do so, the government cites its need to protect military secrets
as a reason. In addition, the government is prone to enter into
optional contracts that are murky. This is also a background of
defense interests. In point of fact, 57 PERCENT of all contracts
with the Defense Ministry in fiscal 2006 were optional. Such defense
interests are deep-rooted. Moreover, they are in the darkness. It is
therefore extremely difficult to get the whole picture of defense
interests.
TOKYO 00005439 006 OF 011
Makoto Konishi, who was once in the Self-Defense Forces and who is
now a commentator on military affairs, said: "They're in a turmoil.
However, the case only unveiled an example of collusive ties that
have benefited both bureaucrats and SDF personnel."
This is the second and last part of a two-page report.
(5) Seiron (Opinion column) by Satoshi Morimoto on Japan-U.S.
alliance: Japan is principally responsible for activating the
alliance
SANKEI (Page 11) (Abridged)
December 3, 2007
Satoshi Morimoto, director and professor at Takushoku University's
Institute of World Studies
Japan should use new antiterrorism legislation as a basis for
creating a permanent law
The domestic and external situations surrounding the Japan-U.S.
alliance are not necessarily good. The primary responsible for
turning these situations around and boosting the alliance lies with
Japan.
New antiterrorism legislation aimed at allowing Japan to resume the
refueling mission in the Indian Ocean has been used by political
parties for months as a tool for political horse-trading. This kind
of political horse-trading may be in line with the parties' logic
but lacks national interest and public benefit. At a time when other
countries are making sacrifices in antiterrorist operations, if
Japan remains unable to cooperate even in the area of supplying oil
and water, it will lose international confidence. Japan also will be
seen by the United States as lacking resolve as an ally.
Japan must live up to America's expectations as long as the U.S.
pins hopes on Japan's political leadership. The antiterror
legislation will sooner or later be passed into law if the current
session of the Diet is re-extended and necessary procedures are
followed. The more important goal would be whether Japan can use
that legislation as a basis for enacting permanent dispatch law
later.
The bribery scandal involving former Vice Defense Minister Takemasa
Moriya undeniably has cast a pall over security affairs, including
the Japan-U.S. alliance. This scandal is so serious that a drastic
review of the organization of the Ministry of Defense and its
systems, including the concept of civilian control, is
indispensable.
Moreover, cost-sharing related to host nation support (HNS) has
become a serious issue for the U.S. In the ongoing negotiations to
renew the special measures agreement, the Japanese side has
suggested cost-cutting by repealing the special treatment system for
Japanese workers at U.S. bases, but for the U.S., the HNS is a
symbol of the Japan-U.S. alliance, so Washington is skepticical
about Japan's intention to slash the HNS.
HNS cut will have an ill effect on Japan-U.S. alliance
Given that the HNS, commonly called "sympathy budget," started at
TOKYO 00005439 007 OF 011
the end of the 1970s, it may be time to reconsider it. But the U.S.
is in fiscal difficulty at present as a result of spending the
enormous amount of money expended for national defense in order to
fight the Iraq war. Japan, too, is fiscally strapped, but
considering the future of East Asia, Japan must not adversely affect
the bilateral alliance by making slight cuts in the HNS budget.
When it comes to the realignment of the U.S. forces in Japan,
problems continue to exist. The construction of an alternate
facility for the U.S. Marine Corps Futenma Air Station and the
transfer of marines from Okinawa to Guam are both linked closely to
the U.S. realignment plans. Failure to implement one part could lead
to a collapse of the whole. Both sides are responsible for
faithfully implementing what they agreed on after long negotiations,
even though some of the agreements remain debatable. In order to
deal with China's moves in the West Pacific, including the East and
South China Seas, and the unpredictable Korean Peninsula crisis, it
is absolutely necessary for the U.S. to be prepared to respond based
on its transformation plans that run from 2012 to 2014. Likewise, it
is necessary for Japan to determine its role-sharing under the
Japan-U.S. alliance and based on that decision, review how Japan's
defense capability should function. Doing these things is an
important challenge for Japan in view of its future and in terms of
securing the safety of its people.
It's mistake to see Japan as being isolated
North Korea is disabling its nuclear reprocessing facilities. This
has provided us a sense of security, but North Korea is not likely
to hand over its nuclear weapons. Meanwhile, Japan-China relations
have been improving, reflecting only the fact that China gives
priority to its national interests and intentions. As a result, when
we look at the future of East Asia, there is nothing there that can
give us a sense of security. Japan should see through the true
natures of neighboring countries without being fooled by visible
phenomena.
Some in Japan have a strong allergy to America's Iraq war, but it is
wrong to see the U.S. in this light alone. America's efforts to
bring stability to the international community as a whole must be
properly appreciated. Only a determined will and power are capable
of dealing with unreasonable violence.
Whatever administration emerges as a result of next year's American
presidential election, the U.S. is likely to reduce its national
defense budget and armed forces in the near future, while urging its
allies to make even more international contributions. I think it is
Japan's responsibility as a U.S. ally to prod it to continue its
engagement policy for regional stability, including Asia. For that
end, Japan needs to back the U.S. There is no time for the ruling
and opposition parties in Japan to busy themselves in political
horse-trading.
Moreover, it is wrong to think that only Japan is isolated in East
Asia. Other countries more than we can imagine look to Japan and its
overall power with expectation. What has made them uneasy is that
they cannot see what Japan regards as its national interests and how
far it is determined to make sacrifices in order to maintain the
alliance.
What Japan should do now is to make clear what it is about to
address as priority tasks in order to reenergize the Japan-U.S.
TOKYO 00005439 008 OF 011
alliance. The important thing in this sense is for Japan to activate
dialogues with the U.S. at various levels, while asserting its
positions to it in order to secure America's confidence of Japan. It
is also important for Japan to make clear what its national
interests are and to seriously grapple with issues related to those
interests.
(6) Pursuing "Fukudanomics," aiming at both economic growth and
fiscal reconstruction
NIKKEI (Page 5) (Excerpts)
December 3, 2007
By executive editor Naoaki Okabe
Both growth and fiscal reconstruction are needed now for the
Japanese economy. Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda should simultaneously
pursue economic growth and fiscal reconstruction, the so-called
"Fukudanomics."
State Minister in Charge of Economic and Fiscal Policy Hiroko Ota,
who plays the role of the control tower in mapping out economic
policy for the Fukuda administration, is somewhat perplexed. Torn
between those negative about tax hikes in calling for prioritizing
economic growth and others in favor of tax increases in urging for
measures to reconstruct the nation's financial system, including the
fiscal reform study group of the Liberal Democratic Party, Ota finds
it difficult to come up with any definite strategy.
Prime Minister Fukuda, though, has remained silent, giving no
clear-cut instructions. He just has said: "(The administration)
regards fiscal reconstruction and economic growth as two main
inseparable policy goals." Regarding tax reform, which shows the
administration's basic stance, too, Fukuda only remarked: "The
consumption tax will not be raised immediately."
Although Ota said: "The Fukuda administration will soon come up with
its own policy vision," more than two months have already passed
since its inauguration. Unable to work out even the basis of a
strategy, Japan will be unable to hold its own by keeping
internationally competitive.
With the global economy now at a historic turning point, the
Japanese economy might be driven into a corner. In a survey
conducted by the World Economic Forum to assess countries'
competitiveness, Japan dropped from the 5th to 8th place, reflecting
its terrible fiscal condition. Regarding the degree of integration
into the global economy, Japan also keeps a low profile. The degree
of Japan's market openness to foreign capital is the lowest among
the major industrialized countries.
Japan first should come up with a strategy to significantly boost
its economy. Since Japan has long been in an era of slow economic
growth, its growth strategy remains modest. Mature industrialized
countries did not give up on high economic growth, either. The
United States significantly improve productivity on the strength of
IT reform after suffering twin deficits in trade and the federal
budget. The European Union (EU), whose economy had been on the
decline, also attained its full growth by means of integration.
As suggested by Masaru Yoshitomi, it might be an idea to present a
plan to double productivity to replace the current income-doubling
TOKYO 00005439 009 OF 011
plan. By taking the initiative in integrating the Asian economies,
Japan should take in energy to revitalize its economy. The central
and local governments should step up efforts to draw in foreign
capital in a more positive manner. As long as Japan is satisfied
with the present state in the closed society, the Japanese economy
will never be put on the path to sustainable recovery. The economy
will "not grow without market liberalization."
Containing global warming has become the common goal of the world.
Jumping over hurdles is Japanese firms' special technique. German
Chancellor Angela Merkel said: "Technical development is vital to
meet the global goal."
Excessive dependence on monetary measures in a strategy for economic
growth will inevitably bring about negative effects. With the
sub-prime risk spreading, the Bank of Japan will have no choice but
to continue the current monetary-easing policy. At the same time,
the central bank must keep its independence. The stabilization of
currency is imperative as the basis for economic growth.
It is also necessary to set the goals of economic growth and fiscal
reconstruction higher. The government is aiming to turn the primary
balance into the black in fiscal 2011, but only Japan among
industrialized countries use the primary balance as a goal for
fiscal reconstruction. Japan now should use the ratio of fiscal
balance and long-term outstanding loans to gross domestic product
(GDP) as a goal based on an international standard.
Former US Federal Reserve Bank Chairman Alan Greenspan said in his
authored book titled: The Age of Turbulence: "For economic
policymaking officers, the decisive question is not whether a
financial deficit will negatively affect the economy but to what
extent the deficit will affect the economy." If the economy is hurt,
the fiscal conditions will naturally be hurt.
A new combination of economic growth and fiscal reconstruction is
now needed. Joseph Schumpeter advocated that promoting reform by
entrepreneurs through new combination of development, production,
sales, or organizations will lead to economic growth. This argument
should also hold true of policy reform.
Thoroughly streamlining or cutting expenditures is the main
precondition for promoting a new combination of growth and fiscal
rebuilding. It will be meaningless if the fruits produced as a
result of economic growth are not used to promote fiscal
reconstruction and will instead allow government finances to swell.
If pork-barrel politics revives as part of an election strategy, the
foundation of the new combination will collapse.
The pivot for combining growth and fiscal reconstruction is drastic
tax reform. Raising the consumption tax will be unavoidable as a
financial source for such social security programs as pension and
medical care. In order for Japan to boost foreign direct investment
while keeping its international competitiveness, it will also be
necessary to reduce the corporate tax rate.
(7) TOP HEADLINES
Asahi:
Poll shows voters likely split equally between LDP and DPJ if Lower
House election is held now
TOKYO 00005439 010 OF 011
Mainichi:
Prosecutors focus on three bribery charges against Moriya over
defense contracts worth 10.3 billion yen
Yomiuri:
Government survey finds 498 cases of elder physical abuse at nursing
homes last fiscal year
Nikkei:
Yahoo Japan, eBay to form business tie-up for Internet auction
sites
Sankei:
Global warming eroding happy island Vanuatu
Tokyo Shimbun:
Japan, US in meeting prior to COP13 agree on voluntary setting
targets to reduce CO2 emissions
(8) EDITORIALS
Asahi:
(1) MOD should start from scratch
(2) A hunch that "Putin dynasty" would come
Mainichi:
(1) Climate Change Conference in Bali: A forum participated in by
all countries not sufficient
(2) Osaka governor's decision not to run for gubernatorial race: Top
leader should not be lenient about politics and money issue
Yomiuri:
(1) Reform of MOD: Transparency of equipment procurement essential
(2) Putin has paved the path for him to follow after stepping down
as president
Nikkei:
(1) Russia is likely to be led by Putin even after Putin steps down
as president
(2) Aspirations to prevent climate change now tested
Sankei:
(1) Reform of MOD: Take time and discuss fundamentals
(2) Time to reconsider diplomacy toward Russia
Tokyo Shimbun:
(1) Reform of MOD: The Diet should be more engaged in reform of MOD,
even though an experts' council to discuss reform of MOD came into
being
(2) Political diversity may be lost in Russia
(9) Prime Minister's schedule, December 3
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
December 4, 2007
08:01
Departed from Haneda Airport on ANA 191.
09:28
Arrived at Oita Airport.
TOKYO 00005439 011 OF 011
10:48
Met the Crown Prince, followed by former Prime Minister Mori at the
B-Con Plaza in the city of Oita.
11:00
Attended the opening ceremony of the 1st Asia-Pacific Water Summit.
13:00
Attended a cocktail and lunch party with summit participants.
Afterward met Crown Prince Willem of the Netherlands.
13:47
Inspected the Nobuchibaru Athletic Grounds from aboard a
helicopter.
14:02
Arrived at Oita Airport.
14:24
Departed form Oita Airport on JAL 1790.
15:24
Arrived at Haneda Airport.
16:02
Arrived at his official residence.
16:25
Returned to the Kantei.
16:58
Attended an LDP executive meeting in the Diet building.
17:31
Attended a Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy meeting at the
Kantei.
18:45
Attended a wake for the late Ryuko Wada, a former Japan Business
Federation secretary general, at a temple in Takanawa.
19:21
Returned to his private residence in Nozawa.
SCHIEFFER