Policy Brief on the Truth About Voter Fraud
Fraud by individual voters is both irrational and extremely rare. Many vivid anecdotes of purported voter fraud have been proven false or do not demonstrate fraud. Voter fraud is often conflated with other forms of election misconduct. Raising the unsubstantiated specter of mass voter fraud suits a particular policy agenda. Claims of voter fraud should be carefully tested before they become the basis for action.
Fraud by individual voters is both irrational and extremely rare. Most citizens who take the time to vote offer their legitimate signatures and sworn oaths with the gravitas that this
hard-won civic right deserves. Even for the few who view voting merely as a means to an end, however, voter fraud is a
singularly foolish way to attempt to win an election. Each act of voter fraud risks five years in prison and a $10,000
fine – but yields at most one incremental vote. The single vote is simply not worth the price.
Because voter fraud is essentially irrational, it is not surprising that no credible evidence suggests a voter fraud
epidemic. There is no documented wave or trend of individuals voting multiple times, voting as someone else, or voting
despite knowing that they are ineligible. Indeed, evidence from the microscopically scrutinized 2004 gubernatorial
election in Washington State actually reveals just the opposite: though voter fraud does happen, it happens
approximately 0.0009% of the time. The similarly closely-analyzed 2004 election in Ohio revealed a voter fraud rate of
0.00004%. National Weather Service data shows that Americans are struck and killed by lightning about as often.
Many vivid anecdotes of purported voter fraud have been proven false or do not demonstrate fraud. Although there are a few scattered instances of real voter fraud, many of the vivid anecdotes cited in accounts of
voter fraud have been proven false or vastly overstated. In Missouri in 2000, for example, the Secretary of State
claimed that 79 voters were registered with addresses at vacant lots, but subsequent investigation revealed that the
lots in question actually housed valid and legitimate residences. Similarly, a 1995 investigation into votes allegedly
cast in Baltimore by deceased voters and those with disenfranchising felony convictions revealed that the voters in
question were both alive and felony-free.
Many of the inaccurate claims result from lists of voters compared to other lists – of deceased individuals, persons
with felony convictions, voters in other states, etc. These attempts to match information often yield predictable
errors. In Florida in 2000, a list of purged voters later became notorious when it was discovered that the “matching”
process captured eligible voters with names similar to – but decidedly different from – the names of persons with felony
convictions, sometimes in other states entirely. A 2005 attempt to identify supposed double voters in New Jersey
mistakenly accused people with similar names but whose middle names or suffixes were clearly different, such as “J.T.
Kearns, Jr.” and “J.T. Kearns, Sr.,” of being the same person. Even when names and birthdates match across lists, that
does not mean there was voter fraud. Elementary statistics students are often surprised to learn that it is more likely
than not that among just 23 individuals, two will share a birthday. Similar statistics show that for most reasonably
common names, it is extremely likely that at least two people with the same name in a state will share the same date of
birth. The ostensible “matches” may not represent the same person at all.
Other allegations of fraudulent voting often turn out to be the result of common clerical errors, incomplete
information, or faulty assumptions. Most allegations of voter fraud simply evaporate when more rigorous analysis is
Voter fraud is often conflated with other forms of election misconduct. It is extremely rare for individuals to vote multiple times, vote as someone else, or vote despite knowing that they
are ineligible. These rare occurrences, however, are often conflated with other forms of election irregularities or
misconduct, under the misleading and overbroad label of “voter fraud.u201D Some of these other irregularities result
from honest mistakes by election officials or voters, such20as confusion as to whether a particular person is actually
eligible to vote. Some irregularities result from technological glitches, whether sinister or benign: for example,
voting machines may record inaccurate tallies. And some involve fraud or intentional misconduct perpetrated by actors
other than individual voters: for example, flyers may spread misinformation about the proper locations or procedures for
voting; thugs may be dispatched to intimidate voters at the polls; missing ballot boxes may mysteriously reappear. These
more common forms of misconduct are simply not addressed by the supposed “anti-fraud” measures generally proposed.
Raising the unsubstantiated specter of mass voter fraud suits a particular policy agenda. Voter fraud is most often invoked as a substantial problem in order to justify particular election policies. Chief
among these is the proposal that individuals be required to show photo ID in order to vote – a policy that
disenfranchises up to 10% of eligible citizens. But the only misconduct that photo ID addresses is the kind of voter
fraud that happens as infrequently as death by lightning. Therefore, it suits those who prefer photo ID as a policy to
lump as much misconduct in with “voter fraud” as possible, to create the impression that the problem is far more
significant than it actually is. Moreover, to the extent photo ID is suggested as a solution to the perception that
voter fraud occurs, it behooves those who prefer photo ID to reinforce the unsubstantiated perception that voter fraud
Claims of voter fraud should be carefully tested before they become the basis for action. Researchers, reporters, public
figures, and policymakers confronted with claims of potential fraud should carefully examine these claims before calling
for action. Do the claims depend on matching information from one list to another? Is the matching process accurate?
Does a match indicate an illegal vote, or is there a more plausible explanation? Is corroborating evidence available? If
there actually appears to be a problem, can it be addressed by existing practices, or is a new solution necessary? If
so, will the solution proposed – usually either a mass purge or photo identification – really solve the problem? Is the
solution sufficiently burdensome that it becomes a greater problem than the problem itself? These basic questions are
crucially important to evaluating claims of voter fraud, but are all too often unasked and unanswered.
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