The Tragedy of Haiti
Copyright © 1993 by Noam Chomsky
Published by South End Press.
1. "The First Free Nation of Free Men"
"Haiti was more than the New World's second oldest republic," anthropologist Ira Lowenthal observed, "more than even the
first black republic of the modern world. Haiti was the first free nation of free men to arise within, and in resistance
to, the emerging constellation of Western European empire." The interaction of the New World's two oldest republics for
200 years again illustrates the persistence of basic themes of policy, their institutional roots and cultural
concomitants.
The Republic of Haiti was established on January 1, 1804, after a slave revolt expelled the French colonial rulers and
their allies. The revolutionary chiefs discarded the French "Saint-Domingue" in favor of the name used by the people who
had greeted Columbus in 1492, as he arrived to establish his first settlement in Europe's New World. The descendants of
the original inhabitants could not celebrate the liberation. They had been reduced to a few hundred within 50 years from
a pre-Colombian population estimated variously from hundreds of thousands to 8 million, with none remaining at all,
according to contemporary French scholars, when France took the western third of Hispaniola, now Haiti, from Spain in
1697. The leader of the revolt, Toussaint L'Ouverture, could not celebrate the victory either. He had been captured by
deceit and sent to a French prison to die a "slow death from cold and misery," in the words of a 19th century French
historian. Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer observes that Haitian schoolchildren to this day know by heart his final
words as he was led to prison: "In overthrowing me, you have cut down in Saint-Domingue only the tree of liberty. It
will spring up again by the roots for they are numerous and deep."1
The tree of liberty broke through the soil again in 1985, as the population revolted against the murderous Duvalier
dictatorship. After many bitter struggles, the popular revolution led to the overwhelming victory of Haiti's first
freely elected president, the populist priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Seven months after his February 1991 inauguration
he was driven from office by the military and commercial elite who had ruled for 200 years, and would not tolerate loss
of their traditional rights of terror and exploitation.
"As soon as the last Duvalier had fled Haiti," Puerto Rican ethnohistorian Jalil Sued-Badillo recounts, "an angry crowd
toppled the statue of Christopher Columbus in Port-au-Prince and threw it in the sea," protesting "the ravages of
colonialism" under "a long line of despots" from Columbus to Duvalier, and on to today's rulers, who have reinstated
Duvalier savagery. There were similar scenes in the neighboring Dominican Republic, subjected to a US-imposed terror
regime after another Marine invasion in 1965 and a victim of IMF Fundamentalism from the early 1980s. In February 1992,
President Balaguer "unleashed his security forces to beat peaceful demonstrators who were protesting the exorbitant
expenditures shelled out for the 500-year celebration while the average Dominican starves," the Council on Hemispheric
Affairs reported. Its centerpiece is a multi-million-dollar 100-foot-high half-mile-long recumbent cross with powerful
searchlights that "rises above a slum of rat-infested shacks where malnourished, illiterate children slosh through the
fetid water that washes through the streets during tropical rainstorms," the news services reported. Slums were cleared
to accommodate its sprawling terraced gardens, and a stone wall conceals "the desperate poverty that its beams will soon
illuminate." The huge expenses "coincide with one of the worst economic crises since the '30s," the former president of
the Central Bank pointed out. After ten years of structural adjustment, health care and education have radically
declined, electricity cutoffs up to 24 hours are used to ration power, unemployment exceeds 25 percent, and poverty is
rampant. "The big fish eat the little ones," one old women says in the nearby slum.2
Columbus described the people he found as "lovable, tractable, peaceable, gentle, decorous," and their land as rich and
bountiful. Hispaniola was "perhaps the most densely populated place in the world," Las Casas wrote, "a beehive of
people," who "of all the infinite universe of humanity, ...are the most guileless, the most devoid of wickedness and
duplicity." Driven by "insatiable greed and ambition," the Spanish fell upon them "like ravening wild beasts, ...
killing, terrorizing, afflicting, torturing, and destroying the native peoples" with "the strangest and most varied new
methods of cruelty, never seen or heard of before, and to such a degree" that the population is barely 200 persons, he
wrote in 1552, "from my own knowledge of the acts I witnessed." "It was a general rule among Spaniards to be cruel," he
wrote: "not just cruel, but extraordinarily cruel so that harsh and bitter treatment would prevent Indians from daring
to think of themselves as human beings." "As they saw themselves each day perishing by the cruel and inhuman treatment
of the Spaniards, crushed to the earth by the horses, cut in pieces by swords, eaten and torn by dogs, many buried alive
and suffering all kinds of exquisite tortures, ...[they] decided to abandon themselves to their unhappy fate with no
further struggles, placing themselves in the hands of their enemies that they might do with them as they liked."
As the propaganda mills ground away, the picture was revised to provide retrospective justification for what had been
done. By 1776, the story was that Columbus found "nothing but a country quite covered with wood, uncultivated, and
inhabited only by some tribes of naked and miserable savages" (Adam Smith). As noted earlier, it was not until the 1960s
that the truth began to break through, eliciting scorn and protest from outraged loyalists.3
The Spanish effort to plunder the island's riches by enslaving its gentle people were unsuccessful; they died too
quickly, if not killed by the "wild beasts" or in mass suicide. African slaves were sent from the early 1500s, later in
a flood as the plantation economy was established. "Saint Domingue was the wealthiest European colonial possession in
the Americas," Hans Schmidt writes, producing three-quarters of the world's sugar by 1789, also leading the world in
production of coffee, cotton, indigo, and rum. The slave masters provided France with enormous wealth from the labor of
their 450,000 slaves, much as in the British West Indian colonies. The white population, including poor overseers and
artisans, numbered 40,000. Some 30,000 mulattoes and free Negroes enjoyed economic privileges but not social and
political equality, the origins of the class difference that led to harsh repression after independence, with renewed
violence today.
Cubans may have seemed "of dubious whiteness," but the rebels who overthrew colonial rule did not approach that status.
The slave revolt, which had reached serious proportions by the end of 1791, appalled Europe, as well as the European
outpost that had just declared its own independence. Britain invaded in 1793; victory would offer "a monopoly of sugar,
indigo, cotton and coffee" from an island which "for ages, would give such aid and force to industry as would be most
happily felt in every part of the empire," a British military officer wrote to Prime Minister Pitt. The United States,
which had lively commerce with the French colony, sent its French rulers $750,000 in military aid as well as some troops
to help quell the revolt. France dispatched a huge army, including Polish, Dutch, German, and Swiss troops. Its
commander finally wrote Napoleon that it would be necessary to wipe out virtually the entire black population to impose
French rule. His campaign failed, and Haiti became the only case in history "of an enslaved people breaking its own
chains and using military might to beat back a powerful colonial power" (Farmer).
The rebellion had broad consequences. It established British dominance of the Caribbean, and impelled its former
colonies a long step further on their westward course as Napoleon, abandoning his hopes for an empire in the New World,
sold the Louisiana territory to the United States. The rebel victory came at tremendous cost. Much of the agricultural
wealth of the country was destroyed, along with perhaps a third of the population. The victory horrified Haiti's
slave-holding neighbors, who backed France's claims for huge reparations, finally accepted in 1825 by Haiti's ruling
elite, who recognized them to be a precondition for entry into the global market. The result was "decades of French
domination of Haitian finance" with "a catastrophic effect on the new nation's delicate economy," Farmer observes.
France then recognized Haiti, as did Britain in 1833. Simon Bolívar, whose struggles against Spanish rule were aided by
the Haitian Republic on condition that he free slaves, refused to establish diplomatic relations with Haiti on becoming
President of Greater Colombia, claiming that Haiti was "fomenting racial conflict" -- a refusal "typical of Haiti's
welcome in a monolithically racist world," Farmer comments. Haitian elites continued to be haunted by fear of conquest
and a renewal of slavery, a factor in their costly and destructive invasions of the Dominican Republic in the 1850s.
The US was the last major power to insist that Haiti be ostracized, recognizing it only in 1862. With the American Civil
War underway, Haiti's liberation of slaves no longer posed a barrier to recognition; on the contrary, President Lincoln
and others saw Haiti as a place that might absorb blacks induced to leave the United States (Liberia was recognized in
the same year, in part for the same reason). Haitian ports were used for Union operations against the rebels. Haiti's
strategic role in control of the Caribbean became increasingly important in US planning in later years, as Haiti became
a plaything among the competing imperial powers. Meanwhile its ruling elite monopolized trade, while the peasant
producers in the interior remained isolated from the outside world.
For the rest of Chapter 8 see…
2. "Unselfish Intervention"
3. "Politics, not Principle"